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Originally published in 1923 - translated from the French by F. A. Holt, O.B.E.
Main Menu - Table of Contents
Volume 1:
I. JULY 20-23, 1914 | II. JULY 24-AUGUST 2, 1914 | III.AUGUST 3-17, 1914 | IV. AUGUST 18-SEPTEMBER 11, 1914 | V. SEPTEMBER 12-OCTOBER 28, 1914 | VI. OCTOBER 29-NOVEMBER 30, 1914 | VII. DECEMBER 1-31, 1914 | VIII. JANUARY 1-FEBRUARY 13, 1915 | IX. FEBRUARY 14-MARCH 31, 1915 | X. APRIL 1-JUNE 2, 1915
Volume 2:
I. JUNE 3-AUGUST 24, 1915 | II. AUGUST 25-SEPTEMBER 20, 1915 | III.SEPTEMBER 21-NOVEMBER 8, 1915 | IV. NOVEMBER 9-DECEMBER 31, 1915 | V. JANUARY 1-26, 1916 | VI. JANUARY 27-FEBRUARY 24, 1916 | VII. FEBRUARY 25-MARCH 22, 1916 | VIII. MARCH 23-MAY 3, 1916 | IX. MAY 4-JUNE 15, 1916 | X. JUNE 16-JULY 18, 1916 | XI. JULY 19-AUGUST 18, 1916
Volume 3
I. AUGUST 19-SEPTEMBER 18, 1916 | II. SEPTEMBER 19-OCTOBER 25, 1916 | III. OCTOBER 27-NOVEMBER 22, 1916 | IV. NOVEMBER 23-DECEMBER 24, 1916 | V. DECEMBER 25, 1916-JANUARY 8, 1917 | VI. JANUARY 9-28, 1917 | VII. JANUARY 29-FEBRUARY 21, 1917 | VIII. FEBRUARY 22-MARCH 11, 1917 | IX. MARCH 12-22, 1917 | X. MARCH 23-APRIL 6, 1917 | XI. APRIL 7-21, 1917 | XII. APRIL 22-MAY 6, 1917 | XIII. MAY 7-17, 1917
Volume I
CHAPTER II
JULY 24-AUGUST 2, 1914
Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum
to Serbia. - The Russian Government at once adopts a conciliatory
attitude. - Vain efforts of Sazonov, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, to induce England to range herself immediately on the
side of Russia and France. - The uncompromising tone of the German
and Austro-Hungarian Ambassadors. - At my request Sazonov agrees
off-hand to all the steps France and England think likely to
avert war. - General mobilization of the Austro-Hungarian army. - Threatening
action of the German Ambassador. - Military preparations of the
Russian General Staff. - Bombardment of Belgrade. - The Russian
Government's last effort for peace. - Exchange of telegrams
between the Tsar Nicholas and the Emperor William. - The German
ultimatum to Russia. - The declaration of war. - "There
is a divine justice!... " - General mobilization of the
French army. - The Tsar's proclamation to his people. - Religious
ceremony at the Winter Palace: the oath of 1812.
Friday, July 24, 1914.
Tired by these four days of continuous high pressure I was
hoping for a little rest and had told my servant to let me sleep
on this morning. At seven o'clock, however, the telephone bell
woke me with a start: I was informed that Austria had presented
an ultimatum to Serbia yesterday evening.
As I was half asleep the news at first produced a curious impression
of amazement and authority. The occurrence seemed to me unreal
and yet definite, imaginary but authentic. I seemed to be continuing
my conversation of yesterday with the Tsar, putting forward my
theories and conjectures. At the same time I had a sensation,
a potent, positive and compelling sensation, that I was in the
presence of a fait accompli.
During the morning details of what had happened in Belgrade
began to come in.
At half-past twelve, Sazonov and Buchanan came to the Embassy
to confer on the situation. Our discussion was interrupted by
lunch but we resumed immediately afterwards. Taking my stand on
the toasts exchanged between the Tsar and the President, the declarations
of the two Foreign Ministers and the communiqué to the
Havas Agency yesterday, I had no hesitation in advocating a Policy
of firmness.
"But suppose that policy is bound to lead to war? . .
." said Sazonov.
"It will only lead to war if the Germanic powers have
already made up their minds to resort to force to secure the hegemony
of the East. Firmness does not exclude conciliation. But it is
essential for the other side to be prepared to negotiate and compromise.
You know my own views as to Germany's designs. The Austrian ultimatum
seems to me to provoke the dangerous crisis I have anticipated
for a long time. Henceforth we must recognize that war may break
out at any moment. That prospect must govern all our diplomatic
action."
Buchanan assumed that his government would desire to remain
neutral and was therefore apprehensive that France and Russia
would be crushed by the Triple Alliance.
Sazonov protested:
"At the present juncture England's neutrality would be
tantamount to her suicide!"
"I'm certain of that," Sir George replied sadly.
"But I'm afraid public opinion with us is still far from
realizing what our national interests so imperiously require."
I emphasized the decisive part England could play in quenching
Germany's warlike ardour; I cited the view the Tsar Nicholas expressed
to me four days ago - "Unless Germany has lost her reason
altogether, she will never dare to attack Russia, France and England
combined." Thus it was urgently necessary for the British
Government to announce its adhesion to our cause, which was the
cause of peace. Sazonov warmly advocated the same course.
Buchanan promised to make strong representations to Sir Edward
Grey in favour of the policy of resistance to Germanic arrogance.
At three o'clock, Sazonov left us to go to Ielaguin Island
to which Goremykin, the President of the Council, had summoned
the ministers.
At eight o'clock in the evening I went to the Foreign Office
where Sazonov was closeted with my German colleague.
A few minutes later I saw Pourtalès come out, his face
purple and his eyes flashing. The discussion must have been lively.
He furtively shook my hand as I entered the minister's room.
Sazonov was still agitated over the dispute in which he had
just been engaged. He has quick, nervous movements and his voice
is dry and jerky.
"What's happened? " I said.
"As I anticipated, Germany wholeheartedly supports the
Austrian cause. Not the slightest suggestion of conciliation.
So I told Pourtalès quite bluntly that we should not leave
Serbia to settle her differences with Austria alone. Our talk
ended in a very acrimonious tone."
"Really?"
"Yes ... Can you imagine what he had the audacity to tell
me? He reproached me, me and all other Russians, with disliking
Austria and having no scruples about troubling the last years
of her aged Emperor. I retorted: 'No, of course we don't like
Austria ... Why should we like her? She has never done us anything
but harm. As for her aged Emperor, he owes it to us that he still
has his crown on his head. Just remember how he showed his gratitude
in 1855, 1878 and 1908 ... What! Reproach us with not liking
Austria! That's a bit too much! ' "
"It's a bad business, Minister. If conversations between
Petersburg and Berlin are to continue in this strain they won't
last long. Very soon we shall see the Emperor William rise in
his 'shining armour.' Please be calm. Exhaust every possibility
of compromise! Don't forget that my government is a government
based on public opinion and can only support you effectively if
it has public opinion behind it. And think of English opinion
also."
"I shall do everything possible to avoid war. But like
you I am very uneasy about the turn events are taking."
"Can I give my government an assurance that you have not
yet ordered any military preparations?"
"None whatever. All we have decided is privately to withdraw
the eighty million roubles we have on deposit in the German banks."
He added that he would endeavour to obtain from Count Berchtold
an extension of the time fixed for the Serbian reply in the ultimatum
so that the powers might have an opportunity of forming an opinion
on the legal aspect of the dispute and finding some peaceful solution.
The Russian ministers are to meet again to-morrow with the
Tsar presiding. I recommended to Sazonov the greatest caution
as to the advice he is to give.
Our conversation was enough to soothe his nerves. He continued
with calm deliberation:
"You needn't fear! Besides you know the Tsar's caution.
Berchtold has put himself in the wrong. It's our business to make
him solely responsible for everything that comes. I even consider
that if the Vienna cabinet resorts to action the Serbians ought
to let their territory be invaded and confine themselves to denouncing
Austria's infamy to the civilized world.
Saturday, July 25, 1914.
Yesterday the German ambassadors in Paris and London read to
the French and British governments a note to the effect that the
Austro-Serbian dispute must be settled by Vienna and Belgrade
alone. The note ended thus: The German Government is
extremely anxious that the conflict shall be localised as any
intervention by a third power may, by the natural operation of
alliances, have incalculable consequences.
The policy of threats is already beginning
At three o'clock in the afternoon Sazonov received me with
Buchanan. He told us that an extraordinary council was held this
morning at Krasnoe Selo, with the Tsar presiding, and that
His Majesty has decided in principle to mobilize
the thirteen army corps which are ultimately earmarked for operations
against Austria-Hungary.
Then he turned to Buchanan very gravely and pleaded with all
his might that England should hesitate no longer to range herself
on the side of Russia and France in a crisis in which the stake
is not merely the European balance of power but the very liberties
of Europe itself.
I backed up Sazonov and concluded with an argument ad hominem,
pointing to the portrait of the great Chancellor Gortchakoff
which adorns the room in which we were talking:
"In July, 1870, on this very spot, my dear Sir George,
Prince Gortchakoff said to your father(1) who
was warning him of the danger of German ambition: 'There's nothing
to worry Russia in the increase of German power.' Don't let England
make the same mistake to-day which cost Russia so dear then!"
"You know you're preaching to the converted," said
Buchanan with a weary smile.
Public feeling is rising every hour. The following note has
been communicated to the Press:
The Imperial Government is closely following the development
of the Austro-Serbian conflict which cannot leave Russia indifferent.
Almost simultaneously Pourtalès informed Sazonov that
as Austria's ally she naturally supported the legitimate claims
of the Vienna cabinet against Serbia.
Sazonov on his part has advised the Serbian government immediately
to invite the mediation of the British Government.
At seven o'clock this evening I went to the Warsaw station
to say goodbye to Isvolsky who is returning to his post in hot
haste. There was a great bustle on the platforms. The trains were
packed with officers and men. This looked like mobilization. We
rapidly exchanged impressions and came to the same conclusion:
"It's war this time."
When I returned to the embassy I was informed that the Tsar
had just ordered the measures preliminary to mobilization in the
military areas of Kiev, Odessa, Kazan and Moscow. Further, the
cities and Governments of St. Petersburg and Moscow have been
declared in a state of siege. Lastly, the camp at Krasnoe Selo
has been broken up and from this evening the troops are being
sent back to their usual garrisons.
At half-past eight my military attaché, General de Laguiche,
was summoned to Krasnoe Selo to confer with the Grand Duke
Nicholas Nicholaevich and General Sukhomlinov, the War
Minister.
Sunday, July 26, 1914.
When I went to see Sazonov this afternoon my impressions were
better.
He had just received my Austro-Hungarian colleague, Count Szapary,
and had asked him for "a frank and honest explanation."
Then, article by article, he read through the text of the ultimatum
presented to Belgrade, bringing out the impossible, ridiculous
and insulting character of the principal clauses. All this in
a most friendly tone:
"The intention behind this document is legitimate enough
if your only object is to protect your territory against the plots
of Serbian anarchists. But its form is indefensible ... "
He concluded with some warmth:
"Withdraw your ultimatum; modify the wording, and I'll
guarantee the result."
Szapary seemed moved, even half persuaded by this language,
but he reserved the views of his government.
This evening Sazonov is therefore proposing to Berchtold to
open direct conversations between Petersburg and Vienna with a
view to co-operation in the changes to be made in the ultimatum.
I congratulated Sazonov on having given the conversation such
a happy turn. He replied:
"I shall not depart from this attitude. I shall negotiate
to the very last moment."
Then, passing his hand across his eyes as if some terrible
vision flashed through his mind, he asked me in a trembling voice:
"Honestly between ourselves, do you think we can still
save peace?"
"If we had only Austria to deal with I should be hopeful
... But there is Germany. She has promised her ally a great personal
triumph. She is convinced that we dare not resist her to the bitter
end and that the Triple Alliance will give way as it has always
given way. But this time we cannot give way, on pain of ceasing
to exist. We shall not avert war."
"Oh my dear Ambassador! It's terrible to think of what's
to come."
Monday, July 27, 1914.
In official circles the day has been calm. Diplomacy methodically
pursues its ordained course.
Overwhelmed with telegrams and callers, my head in a whirl,
I went out before dinner for a walk on the islands. I left my
car in the shady and solitary avenue alongside the Ielaguin Palace.
The hour fostered reflection. A soft silken light filtered
through the thick, glistening foliage of the great oaks. Not a
breath of air stirred in the branches, but every now and then
I could smell the damp odours which seem the fresh breath of plants
and streams.
My reflections were utterly pessimistic. Whatever I did to
fight them they always brought me back to the one conclusion - war.
The hour for combinations and diplomatic artifices had gone. Compared
with the underlying and remote causes which have produced the
present crisis the incidents of the last few days were nothing.
Individual initiative existed no longer; there was no longer any
human will capable of withstanding the automatic mechanism of
the forces let loose. We diplomats had lost all influence on the
course of events. All we could do was to try and forecast them
and insist on our governments regulating their action accordingly.
Judging by the agency telegrams public spirit in France would
appear to be high. No neurotic outbursts, no war fever: a calm,
strong confidence; perfect national solidarity. And to think that
this is the same country which but a short time back was in ecstasies
over the scandals of the Caillaux trial and wallowing in the outpourings
of the law courts!
Throughout Russia public feeling is becoming exasperated. Sazonov
is trying hard and is still successful in restraining the press.
But he is obliged to give the journalists a sop to assuage their
hunger and has had to tell them, " If you want, go for Austria,
but be moderate towards Germany."
Tuesday, July 28, 1914.
At three o'clock this afternoon I went to the Foreign Office.
Buchanan was in conference with Sazonov.
The German Ambassador was waiting his turn to be received.
I addressed him quite frankly:
"So you've decided to calm down your ally at last? You're
the only one of us in a position to make Austria listen to wisdom."
He protested at once in a jerky voice:
"But it's here that they ought to calm down and stop egging
on Serbia!"
"I assure you on my honour that the Russian Government
is perfectly calm and ready for any conciliatory solution. But
don't ask it to let Serbia be crushed. It would be to ask the
impossible."
"We cannot abandon our ally," he darted at me in
a dry tone.
"Let me speak freely to you, my dear colleague. This is
a grave moment and I think we respect each other enough to have
the right to speak our minds without reserve ... . If the Austro-Serbian
differences are not composed in twenty-four hours, or two days
at most, it means war, a general war, a catastrophe such as the
world has never known. This calamity may still be averted as the
Russian Government is peace-loving, the British Government is
peace-loving and your Government itself claims to be peace-loving."
At these words Pourtalès burst out:
"Yes, indeed, I call God to witness! Germany is peace-loving!
For forty-three years we have preserved the peace of Europe! For
forty-three years we have pledged our honour not to abuse our
strength! And it is we who are now accused of desiring
to precipitate war ... History will prove that we have right on
our side and our conscience has nothing to reproach us for."
"Have we already got as far as finding it necessary to
invoke the verdict of history? Is there then no chance of safety?"
Pourtalès' agitation was such that he could speak no
more. His hands trembled. His eyes were a mist of tears. Quivering
with anger he repeated:
"We cannot, we will not abandon our ally ... No, we will
not abandon her!"
At this point the British Ambassador came out of Sazonov's
room. Pourtalès rushed in, looking fierce, without even
shaking Buchanan's hand as he passed.
"What a state he's in!" Sir George said to me. "The
situation is worse. I don't doubt that Russia will go through
with it: she is thoroughly in earnest. I have just been begging
Sazonov not to consent to any military measure which Germany could
call provocative. The German Government must be saddled with all
the responsibility and all the initiative. English opinion will
accept the idea of intervening in the war only if Germany is indubitably
the aggressor ... Please talk to Sazonov to that effect."
"That's what I'm always telling him."
At that moment the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador arrived. He
looked pale. His stiff aloofness towards us was a contrast to
his usual easy and courteous affability.
Buchanan and I tried to get him to talk.
"Have you had any better news from Vienna? " I asked.
"Can you ease our minds a bit?"
"No, I know nothing more ... The machine is in motion."
Without volunteering any further explanation he repeated his
apocalyptical metaphor
"The machine's in motion."
Realizing it was no use pressing I went out with Buchanan.
As a matter of fact I did not want to see the minister until he
had received Pourtalès and Szapary.
A quarter of an hour later I sent in my name to Sazonov. He
was pale and agitated:
"I think things are very bad," he said very bad.
It is quite clear now that Austria is refusing to treat with us
and Germany is secretly egging her on."
"So you haven't managed to get anything out of Pourtalès?"
"Nothing except that Germany cannot abandon Austria. But
am I asking her to abandon Austria? All I ask is simply that she
should help me to solve this critical problem by peaceful means.
As a matter of fact Pourtalès had lost his self-control;
he didn't know what to say; he stammered and looked scared. Why
that fear? You and I are not like that; we haven't lost our sang-froid
or self-control."
"Pourtalès is agitated because no doubt his personal
responsibility is involved. I'm afraid he has helped to drive
his government into this terrible adventure by asserting that
Russia would not face the music and that if she did not yield - which
was unthinkable - France would denounce the Russian Alliance.
Now he sees the abyss into which he has hurled his country."
"You're quite certain of that? "
"Practically certain ... Only yesterday Pourtalès
assured the Dutch Minister and the Belgian Chargé d'Affaires
that Russia would give way and it would be a great triumph for
the Triple Alliance. I have this from the best source."
Sazonov heaved a despondent sigh and sat silent. I continued:
"The die is cast so far as Berlin and Vienna are concerned.
It's London we must think of now. I do ask you to resort to no
military measures on the German front and even to be very cautious
on the Russian front until Germany has definitely shown her hand.
The least imprudence on your part will cost us England's help."
"That's my opinion too, but our General Staff are getting
restless and even now I am having great difficulty in holding
them in."
These last words worried me; an idea came into my head:
"However great the danger may be and however remote the
chance of salvation, you and I ought to leave nothing undone to
save the cause of peace. I do want you to realize that I am in
a position which is unprecedented for an ambassador. The head
of the State and the head of the Government are at sea. I can
only communicate with them at intervals and through very uncertain
channels; as their knowledge of the situation is incomplete, they
cannot send me any instructions. The ministry in Paris is without
its chief, and its means of communication with the President of
the Republic and the President of the Council are as irregular
and defective as mine. My responsibility is thus enormous and
that's why I ask you to pledge yourself henceforth to accept all
the proposals France and England may make to you to save peace."
"But it's impossible! How can you expect me to accept
beforehand proposals of which I know neither the object nor the
terms?"
"I have just said that we must even attempt the impossible
to save the cause of peace, so I must insist upon my request."
After a brief hesitation he replied
"All right! I accept."
I regard your undertaking as official and I'm going to wire
it to Paris."
"You can do so."
"Thank you. You've taken a great weight off my mind."
Wednesday, July 29, 1914.
I think we have reached the last scene of the prologue to the
drama.
Yesterday evening the Austro-Hungarian Government ordered the
general mobilization of the army. The Vienna cabinet is thus refusing
the suggestion of direct conversations proposed by the Russian
Government.
About three o'clock this afternoon, Pourtalès came to
tell Sazonov that if Russia did not stop her military preparations
at once Germany also would mobilize her army. Sazonov replied
that the preparations of the Russian General Staff were the result
of the uncompromising obstinacy of the Vienna cabinet and the
fact that eight Austro-Hungarian army corps were already on a
war footing.
At eleven o'clock to-night, Nicholas-Alexandrovich Basily,
Deputy-Directory of the chancellery of the Foreign Office, appeared
at my embassy. He came to tell me that the imperious language
used by the German Ambassador this afternoon has decided the Russian
Government (1) to order this very night the mobilization of the
thirteen corps earmarked for operations against Austria-Hungary;
(2) secretly to commence general mobilization.
These last words made me jump:
"Isn't it possible for them to confine themselves provisionally
at any rate-to a partial mobilization? "
"No. The question has just been gone into thoroughly by
a council of our highest military officers. They have come to
the conclusion that in existing circumstances the Russian Government
has no choice between partial and general mobilization as from
the technical point of view a partial mobilization could be carried
out only at the price of dislocating the entire machinery of general
mobilization. So if to-day we stopped at mobilizing the thirteen
corps destined for operations against Austria and to-morrow Germany
decided to give her ally military support, we should be powerless
to defend ourselves on the frontiers of Poland and East Prussia.
Besides, isn't it as much to France's interest as our own that
we should be able to intervene promptly against Germany? "
"Those are strong arguments but I still think that your
General Staff should take no step without previous discussion
with the French General Staff. Please tell M. Sazonov from me
that I should like his most serious consideration of this matter
and a reply in the course of the night."(2)
Thursday, July 30, 1914.
Basily had hardly got back to the Foreign Office before Sazonov
rang up to ask me to send him my First Secretary, Chambrun, "to
receive a very urgent communication." At the same time my
Military Attaché, General de Laguiche, was sent for by
the General Staff. It was 11 :45 p.m.
The Tsar Nicholas had received a personal telegram from the
Emperor William this evening and decided to suspend general mobilization
as the Emperor William had told him "that he is doing everything
in his power to bring about a direct understanding between Austria
and Russia." The Tsar has come to his decision on his own
authority and in spite of the opposition of his generals who have
once more insisted upon the difficulties, or rather the dangers
of a partial mobilization. I have therefore informed Paris of
the mobilization only of the thirteen Russian corps destined for
eventual operations against Austria.
We awoke this morning to find the papers announcing that yesterday
evening the Austro-Hungarian army opened the attack on Serbia
with the bombardment of Belgrade.
The news has quickly spread among the public and produced intense
excitement. I have been rung up from all quarters to ask if I
have any detailed information on the matter, whether France has
made up her mind to support Russia, and so forth. Excited groups
argued in the streets and below my window, on the Neva quay, four
moujiks who were unloading wood stopped their work to listen
to their employer who read the paper to them. Then all five made
long speeches with solemn gestures and indignation writ large
all over their faces. They crossed themselves when the discussion
came to an end.
At two o'clock this afternoon Pourtalès went to the
Foreign Office. Sazonov received him at once and from his first
words I guessed that Germany would refuse to put in the restraining
word at Vienna which could save peace.
The very attitude of Pourtalès was only too eloquent.
He seemed a lost man, for he realizes now the consequences of
the uncompromising policy of which he has been the instrument,
if not actually the author. He sees the inevitable catastrophe
and is collapsing under the weight of his responsibility.
"For Heaven's sake," he said to Sazonov, "make
me some proposal I can recommend to my government. It's my last
hope!"
Sazonov at once put forward the following ingenious formula:
If Austria will recognize that the Austro-Serbian question
has assumed the character of a European question and declare
her readiness to delete from her ultimatum the points which encroach
upon the sovereign rights of Serbia, Russia undertakes to stop
her military preparations.
Still in a state of collapse Pourtalès staggered from
the room, stammering feebly and his eyes staring.
An hour later Sazonov was ushered into Peterhof Palace to make
his report to the Tsar. He found his sovereign sorely moved by
a telegram the Emperor William had sent him during the night.
Its tone was almost menacing.
If Russia mobilizes against Austria-Hungary the rôle
of mediator which I have undertaken at your urgent request will
be compromised, if not made impossible. The whole weight of the
decision to be taken now rests on your shoulders and you will
have to bear the responsibility for war or peace.
Sazonov read and re-read this telegram and shrugged his shoulders
in despair.
"We shall not escape war now! Germany is obviously evading
the mediatorial intervention for which we asked her and all she
is after is to gain time to complete her military preparations
in secret. In these circumstances I don't think Your Majesty can
postpone the order for general mobilization any longer."
The Tsar was deadly pale and replied in a choking voice
"Just think of the responsibility you're advising me to
assume! Remember it's a question of sending thousands and thousands
of men to their death!"
Sazonov replied:
" Neither your Majesty's conscience nor mine will have
anything to be reproached with if war breaks out. Your Majesty
and the Government will have done everything to spare the world
this terrible visitation. But now I feel certain that diplomacy
has finished its work. We must henceforth think of the safety
of the empire. If Your Majesty stops our preliminary mobilization
all you will do is to dislocate our military organization and
disconcert our allies. The war will break out just the same at
Germany's appointed time - and will catch us in hopeless confusion.
"
After a moment's reflection the Tsar said in a firm voice:
"Sergei Dimitrievitch, ring up the Chief of Staff and
tell him I order general mobilization."
Sazonov went down to the hall of the palace where the telephone
cabinet was and transmitted the imperial order to General Janushkevitch.
It was exactly four o'clock.
The battleship France with the President of the Republic
and the President of the Council on board, arrived yesterday at
Dunkirk without calling at Copenhagen and Christiania as had been
arranged.
At six p.m. I received a telegram dispatched from Paris this
morning and signed by Viviani. After once more emphasizing the.
pacific intentions of the French Government and imposing caution
on the Russian Government, Viviani added: France is determined
to meet all the obligations of the alliance.
I went to tell Sazonov, who replied very simply: I was sure
of France."
Friday, July 31, 1914.
The mobilization decree was issued at dawn. Enthusiasm is general
in the city, in the working-class districts as much as in the
rich and aristocratic quarters. I am told there is cheering in
the Winter Palace Square and in front of Our Lady of Kazan.
The Tsar Nicholas and the Emperor William are continuing their
telegraphic dialogue. This morning the Tsar telegraphed to the
Kaiser:
It is technically impossible for me to suspend my military
preparations. But as long as conversations with Austria are not
broken off my troops will refrain from taking the offensive anywhere.
I give you my word of honour on that. To which the Emperor William
has replied:
I have gone to the utmost limits of the possible in my efforts
to save peace. It is not I who will bear the responsibility for
the terrible disaster which now threatens the civilized world.
You and you alone can still avert it. My friendship for you and
your Empire, which my grandfather bequeathed to me on his deathbed,
is still sacred to me and I have been loyal to Russia when she
was in trouble, notably during your last war. Even now you can
still save the peace of Europe by stopping your military measures.
Sazonov, always on the look out to win over English opinion
and anxious to do everything possible up to the last moment to
avert war, has accepted without discussion certain changes Sir
Edward Grey asked him to make in the proposal put forward to the
Berlin Cabinet yesterday. The new draft runs:
If Austria agrees to stop the march of her armies on Serbian
territory and, recognizing that the Austro-Serbian conflict has
assumed the character of a question interesting all Europe, allows
the Great Powers to examine what satisfaction Serbia could give
the Austro-Hungarian Government without prejudice to her rights
as a sovereign state and her independence, Russia guarantees
to maintain her waiting attitude.
At three o'clock in the afternoon Pourtalès requested
an audience of the Tsar who asked him to come to Peterhof at once.
Received with the greatest kindliness Pourtalès confined
himself to enlarging on the theme set out in the Kaiser's last
telegram. "Germany had always been Russia's best friend ...
Let the Emperor Nicholas consent to revoke his military measures
and the peace of the world would be saved."
The Tsar replied by emphasizing the possibilities for conciliation
which Sazonov's proposal, as revised by Sir Edward Grey, still
offers for an honourable settlement of the dispute.
At eleven o'clock in the evening Pourtalès presented
himself at the Foreign Office. He was received immediately and
announced to Sazonov that if within twelve hours Russia did not
suspend her mobilization, both on the German and Austro-Hungarian
frontiers, the whole German army would be mobilized.
Then with a glance at the clock which showed twenty-five minutes
past eleven, he added:
"The time will expire at midday to-morrow."
Without giving Sazonov time to make a single remark he continued
in a trembling, hurried voice:
"Agree to demobilize! ... Agree to demobilize! ...
Agree to demobilize!"
Sazonov, quite unruffled, replied:
"I could only confirm what His Majesty the Emperor has
told you. As long as the conversations with Austria continue,
as long as there's any chance of averting the war, we shall not
attack. But it's technically impossible for us to demobilize without
dislocating our entire military organization. It is a point the
soundness of which your General Staff itself could not deny."
Pourtalès went out, scared out of his wits.
Saturday, August 1, 1914.
During yesterday the Emperor William proclaimed Germany "in
danger of war." The announcement of the Kriegsgefahrzustand
means the immediate calling up of the reservists and the closing
of the frontiers. If it is not the official mobilization it is
at any rate the prelude and opening move.
On receiving this news the Tsar telegraphed to the Kaiser:
I understand that you are compelled to mobilize but I should
like to have the same guarantee from you that I gave you myself - that
these measures do not mean war and that we shall continue our
negotiations to save the general peace so dear to our hearts.
With God's help our long and tried friendship should be able
to prevent bloodshed. I confidently await a reply from you.
The time given by the ultimatum expired at midday to-day, but
it was not before seven this evening that Pourtalès appeared
at the Foreign Office.
His eyes were swollen and he was very red in the face and choking
with emotion as he solemnly handed Sazonov a declaration of war,
which concluded with this theatrical and mendacious phrase: His
Majesty the Emperor, my august sovereign, in the name of the
empire accepts the challenge and considers himself in a state
of war with Russia.
Sazonov replied
"This is a criminal act of yours. The curses of the nations
will be upon you."
Then, reading aloud the declaration of war, he was amazed to
see between brackets two versions, a matter of slight importance
in itself. For instance, after the words: Russia having refused
to acknowledge ... there was: (not having considered
there was any obligation to reply to ... ). And later
on, after the words: Russia having shown by their refusal .
. . there was: (by this attitude). It
is probable that these two different versions have been suggested
from Berlin and that owing either to inadvertence or haste on
the part of the copyist they have both been inserted in the official
text.
Pourtalès was so overcome that he could not explain
this curious form which will for ever set the brand of ridicule
upon the historic document which was to he the origin of so many
evils. When he had finished reading, Sazonov repeated:
"This is a criminal act!"
"We are defending our honour!"
"Your honour was not involved. You could have prevented
the war by one word: you didn't want to. In all my efforts to
save peace I haven't had the slightest help from you. But there's
a divine justice!"
Pourtalès repeated in a dull voice, with a look of desperation:
"That's true ... there's a divine justice ... a divine
justice!"
He went on muttering a few incomprehensible words and staggered
towards the window which is on the right of the door, opposite
the Winter Palace. There he leaned against the embrasure and burst
into tears.
Sazonov, trying to calm him, tapped him on the shoulders. Pourtalès
stammered:
"So this is the result of my mission!"
Finally he rushed to the door, which he could hardly open with
his trembling fingers, and went out murmuring:
"Goodbye! Goodbye!"
A few minutes later I went to Sazonov who described the scene.
He also told me that Buchanan had just requested an audience of
the Tsar to hand him a personal telegram from his sovereign. In
this telegram, King George makes a supreme appeal to the peace-loving
nature of the Tsar and begs him to continue his efforts for conciliation.
The step has no object now that Pourtalès has handed in
the declaration of war. But the Tsar will receive Buchanan at
eleven to-night in any case.
Sunday, August 2, 1914.
General mobilization of the French army. The order reached
me by telegraph at two o'clock this morning.
So the die is cast! The part played by reason in the government
of nations is so small that it has only taken a week to let loose
world madness! I do not know - history will judge the diplomatic
operation in which I have just been concerned with Sazonov and
Buchanan; but all three of us have a right to claim that we have
conscientiously done everything in our power to save the peace
of the world without, however, sacrificing to it those two other
and still more precious possessions, the independence and honour
of our countries.
During this decisive week the work of my embassy has been very
hard: night has been as busy as day. My staff have been models
of industry and self-control. All of them-my counsellor, Doucet,
my military attachés, General de Laguiche and Major Wehrlin,
and my secretaries, Chambrun, Gentil, Dulong and Robirn, have
given me help as active and intelligent as spontaneous and devoted.
At three o'clock this afternoon I went to the Winter Palace
where the Tsar was to issue a proclamation to his people, as ancient
rites decree. As the representative of the allied power, I was
the only foreigner admitted to this ceremony.
It was a majestic spectacle. Five or six thousand people were
assembled in the huge St. George's gallery which runs along the
Neva quay. The whole court was in full-dress and all the officers
of the garrison were in field dress. In the centre of the room
an altar was placed and on it was the miraculous ikon of the Virgin
of Kazan, brought from the national sanctuary on the Nevsky Prospekt
which had to do without it for a few hours. In 1812, Field-Marshal
Prince Kutusov, before leaving to join the army at Smolensk, spent
a long time in prayer before this sacred image.
In a tense, religious silence, the imperial cortège
crossed the gallery and took up station on the left of the altar.
The Tsar asked me to stand opposite him as he desired, so he
said, "to do public homage in this way to the loyalty of
the French ally."
Mass began at once to the accompaniment of the noble and pathetic
chants of the orthodox liturgy. Nicholas II prayed with a holy
fervour which gave his pale face a movingly mystical expression.
The Tsaritsa Alexandra Feodorovna, stood by him, gazing fixedly,
her chest thrust forward, head high, lips crimson, eyes glassy.
Every now and then she closed her eyes and then her livid face
reminded one of a death mask.
After the final prayer the court chaplain read the Tsar's manifesto
to his people - a simple recital of the events which have made
war inevitable, an eloquent appeal to all the national energies,
an invocation to the Most High, and so forth. Then the Tsar went
up to the altar and raised his right hand toward the gospel held
out to him. He was even more grave and composed, as if he were
about to receive the sacrament. In a slow, low voice which dwelt
on every word he made the following declaration:
"Officers of my guard, here present, I greet in you my
whole army and give it my blessing. I solemnly swear that I will
never make peace so long as one of the enemy is on the soil of
the fatherland."
A wild outburst of cheering was the answer to this declaration
which was copied from the oath taken by the Emperor Alexander
I in 1812. For nearly ten minutes there was a frantic tumult in
the gallery and it was soon intensified by the cheers of the crowd
massed along the Neva.
Suddenly the Grand Duke Nicholas, generalissimo of the Russian
armies, hurled himself upon me with his usual impetuosity and
embraced me till I was half crushed. At this the cheers redoubled,
and above all the din rose shouts of "Vive la France! ...
Vive la France! ... "
Through the cheering crowd I had great difficulty in clearing
a way behind the sovereigns and reaching the door.
Ultimately I got to Winter Palace Square where an enormous
crowd had congregated with flags, banners, ikons, and portraits
of the Tsar.
The Emperor appeared on the balcony. The entire crowd at once
knelt and sang the Russian national anthem. To those thousands
of men on their knees at that moment the Tsar was really the autocrat
appointed of God, the military, political and religious leader
of his people, the absolute master of their bodies and souls.
As I was returning to the embassy, my eyes full of this grandiose
spectacle, I could not help thinking of that sinister January
22, 1905, on which the working masses of St. Petersburg, led by
the priest Gapon and preceded as now by the sacred images, were
assembled as they were assembled to-day before the Winter Palace
to plead with "their Father, the Tsar" - and pitilessly
shot down.
Chapter Footnotes
1. Sir Andrew Buchanan, then ambassador at
St. Petersburg.
2. The accurate chronology of events obliges
me to refer here to a document which did not come to light until
six months later.
On this July 29 the Tsar Nicholas, obeying the promptings
of his heart and feeling disinclined to consult anyone, telegraphed
to the Emperor William a proposal to refer the Austro-Serbian
dispute to the Hague Tribunal. The Kaiser had only to accept
this suggested arbitration and war would have been definitely
averted. But he did not even reply to the Tsar's proposal.
Events then moved at such a pace that Nicholas II omitted
to inform M. Sazonov of the personal step he had thought it his
duty to take.
The telegram of July 29 was not discovered among the Tsar's
papers until January 30, 1915; it was at once published in the
Official Messenger of the Empire.
