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Originally published in 1923 - translated from the French by F. A. Holt, O.B.E.
Main Menu - Table of Contents
Volume 1:
I. JULY 20-23, 1914 | II. JULY 24-AUGUST 2, 1914 | III.AUGUST 3-17, 1914 | IV. AUGUST 18-SEPTEMBER 11, 1914 | V. SEPTEMBER 12-OCTOBER 28, 1914 | VI. OCTOBER 29-NOVEMBER 30, 1914 | VII. DECEMBER 1-31, 1914 | VIII. JANUARY 1-FEBRUARY 13, 1915 | IX. FEBRUARY 14-MARCH 31, 1915 | X. APRIL 1-JUNE 2, 1915
Volume 2:
I. JUNE 3-AUGUST 24, 1915 | II. AUGUST 25-SEPTEMBER 20, 1915 | III.SEPTEMBER 21-NOVEMBER 8, 1915 | IV. NOVEMBER 9-DECEMBER 31, 1915 | V. JANUARY 1-26, 1916 | VI. JANUARY 27-FEBRUARY 24, 1916 | VII. FEBRUARY 25-MARCH 22, 1916 | VIII. MARCH 23-MAY 3, 1916 | IX. MAY 4-JUNE 15, 1916 | X. JUNE 16-JULY 18, 1916 | XI. JULY 19-AUGUST 18, 1916
Volume 3
I. AUGUST 19-SEPTEMBER 18, 1916 | II. SEPTEMBER 19-OCTOBER 25, 1916 | III. OCTOBER 27-NOVEMBER 22, 1916 | IV. NOVEMBER 23-DECEMBER 24, 1916 | V. DECEMBER 25, 1916-JANUARY 8, 1917 | VI. JANUARY 9-28, 1917 | VII. JANUARY 29-FEBRUARY 21, 1917 | VIII. FEBRUARY 22-MARCH 11, 1917 | IX. MARCH 12-22, 1917 | X. MARCH 23-APRIL 6, 1917 | XI. APRIL 7-21, 1917 | XII. APRIL 22-MAY 6, 1917 | XIII. MAY 7-17, 1917
Volume III
CHAPTER IX
MARCH 12-22, 1917.
From riot to revolution. - Barricades,
looting and fires; street fighting. - The army fraternizes with
the insurgents. - The Government thrown into confusion. - The
ministers appeal to the Emperor. - The Winter Palace and the
Fortress are occupied. - The Duma organizes an executive committee. - Further
fighting in the streets. General Ivanov's mission. The last chance
of saving tsarism. Rapid progress of the revolution. - The socialists
form a "Council of Working-Men and Soldier Deputies,"
the Soviet, in opposition to the Duma. The vital part
of the army in the revolutionary drama. Shameful behaviour of
the Grand Duke Cyril and the Imperial Guard. - The Emperor, after
a futile attempt to return to Petrograd, stops at Pskov where
two envoys from the Duma beg him to abdicate in favour of his
son. A provisional government formed. - Nicholas II will not
consent to be separated from his son and abdicates in favour
of his brother, Michael-Alexandrovich. Rage of the Soviet,
which demands and secures the renunciation of the throne
by the Grand Duke Michael. - News from Tsarskoe Selo;
the Grand Duke Paul informs the Empress of the Emperor's abdication. - The
Provisional Government's weakness in dealing with the Soviet:
the Petrograd garrison extorts a promise not to be
sent to the front. - Miliukov is appointed Foreign Minister;
our first talk: I demand that Russia's new rulers shall proclaim
their determination to continue the war to the bitter end. - A
general summary of recent happenings. Inaction of the clergy
in the revolution. Supplementary details of the abdication of
the Emperor. - Manifesto issued by the Provisional Government.,
it contains only a vague allusion to the prosecution of the war:
I protest to Miliukov. - The Soviet compels the Provisional
Government to arrest the fallen monarchs, Miliukov asks the British
Government to give them a place of refuge in England. Eloquent
farewell of the Emperor to the army.
Monday, March 12, 1917.
At half-past eight this morning, just as I finished dressing,
I heard a strange and prolonged din which seemed to come from
the Alexander Bridge. I looked out: there was no one on the bridge,
which usually presents such a busy scene. But, almost immediately,
a disorderly mob carrying red flags appeared at the end which
is on the right bank of the Neva, and a regiment came towards
it from the opposite side. It looked as if there would be a violent
collision, but on the contrary the two bodies coalesced. The army
was fraternizing with revolt.
Shortly afterwards, someone came to tell me that the Volhynian
regiment of the Guard had mutinied during the night, killed its
officers and was parading the city, calling on the people to take
part in the revolution and trying to win over the troops who still
remain loyal.
At ten o'clock there was a sharp burst of firing and flames
could be seen rising somewhere on the Liteïny Prospekt which
is quite close to the embassy. Then silence.
Accompanied by my military attaché, Lieutenant-Colonel
Lavergne, I went out to see what was happening. Frightened inhabitants
were scattering through the streets. There was indescribable confusion
at the corner of the Liteïny. Soldiers were helping civilians
to erect a barricade. Flames mounted from the Law Courts. The
gates of the arsenal burst open with a crash. Suddenly the crack
of machine-gun fire split the air: it was the regulars who had
just taken up position near the Nevsky Prospekt. The revolutionaries
replied. I had seen enough to have no doubt as to what was coming.
Under a hail of bullets I returned to the embassy with Lavergne
who had walked calmly and slowly to the hottest corner out of
sheer bravado.
About half-past eleven I went to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
picking up Buchanan on the way.
I told Pokrovski everything I had just witnessed.
"So it's even more serious than I thought," he said.
But he preserved unruffled composure, flavoured with a touch
of scepticism, when he told me of the steps on which the ministers
had decided during the night:
"The sitting of the Duma has been prorogued to April and
we have sent a telegram to the Emperor, begging him to return
at once. With the exception of M. Protopopov, my colleagues and
I all thought that a dictatorship should be established without
delay; it would be conferred upon some general whose prestige
with the army is pretty high, General Russky for example."
I argued that, judging by what I saw this morning, the loyalty
of the army was already too heavily shaken for our hopes of salvation
to be based on the use of the "strong hand," and that
the immediate appointment of a ministry inspiring confidence in
the Duma seemed to me more essential than ever, as there is not
a moment to lose. I reminded Pokrovski that in 1789, 1830 and
1848, three French dynasties were overthrown because they were
too late in realizing the significance and strength of
the movement against them. I added that in such a grave crisis
the representative of allied France had a right to give
the Imperial Government advice on a matter of internal politics.
Buchanan endorsed my opinion.
Pokrovski replied that he personally shared our views, but
that the presence of Protopopov in the Council of Ministers paralyzed
action of any kind.
I asked him:
"Is there no one who can open the Emperor's eyes to the
real situation?"
He heaved a despairing sigh.
"The Emperor is blind!"
Deep grief was writ large on the face of the honest man and
good citizen whose uprightness, patriotism and disinterestedness
I can never sufficiently extol.
He asked us to call in again at the end of the day.
When I returned to the embassy the situation had become much
worse.
One piece of bad news followed another. The Law Courts had
become nothing but an enormous furnace; the Arsenal on the Liteïny,
the Ministry of the Interior, the Military Government building,
the Minister of the Courts' offices, the headquarters of the Detective
Force, the too, too famous Okhrana, and a score of police-stations
were in flames; the prisons were open and all the prisoners had
been liberated; the Fortress of SS. Peter and Paul was undergoing
a siege and the Winter Palace was occupied. Fighting was in progress
in every part of the city.
At half-past six I returned with Buchanan to the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs.
Pokrovski told us that in view of the gravity of the situation
the Council of Ministers had decided to remove Pokrovski from
the Ministry of the Interior and appoint General Makarenko "provisional
director." The Council at once reported accordingly to the
Emperor and also begged him to confer extraordinary powers immediately
on some general, authorizing him to take all the exceptional measures
the situation requires, and particularly to appoint other ministers.
He also informed us that in spite of the ukase of
prorogation, the Duma met at the Tauris Palace this afternoon.
It has set up a permanent committee with the object of serving
as intermediary between the Government and the mutinous troops.
Rodzianko, who is president of this committee, has telegraphed
to the Emperor that the dynasty is in the greatest danger and
the slightest hesitation will be fatal to it.
It was pitch dark when Buchanan and I left the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs; not a lamp was lit. Just as my car was emerging
from the Millionaïa, opposite the Marble Palace, we were
stopped by a military mob. Something was happening in the barracks
of the Pavlovski Regiment. Infuriated soldiers were shouting,
yelling and fighting on the square. My car was surrounded. There
was a violent demonstration against us. It was in vain that my
chasseur and chauffeur tried to explain that we were the
ambassadors of France and England. The doors were opened and our
position was on the point of becoming dangerous when a non-commissioned
officer, perched on a horse, recognized us and in a voice of thunder
proposed a " cheer for France and England!" We came
out of this unpleasant predicament to the accompaniment of a storm
of cheering.
I spent the evening trying to obtain information as to what
the Duma was doing. It was a very difficult matter as shooting
and burning were in progress in all quarters.
At length certain reports came in which substantially agreed.
The Duma, I was told, was doing everything in its power to
organize a Provisional Government, restore order to some extent
and secure the food supplies of the capital.
The swift and complete defection of the army has been a great
surprise to the leaders of the liberal parties and even the working-class
party. As a matter of fact, it faces the moderate deputies, who
are trying to direct and control the popular movement (Rodzianko,
Miliukov, Shingarev, Maklakov, etc.) with the question whether
it is not too late to save the dynastic régime. It
is a formidable problem, as the republican idea, which is favoured
in labour circles in Petrograd and Moscow, is foreign to the spirit
of the country and it is impossible to foretell how the armies
at the front will receive the occurrences in the capital.
Tuesday, March 13, 1917.
The firing, which had died down by this morning, began again
about ten o'clock; it seemed to be pretty vigorous in the region
of the Admiralty. Armoured cars, with machine-guns and displaying
red flags, were continually passing the embassy at top speed.
More fires were blazing at several points in the capital.
With a view to avoiding another incident such as yesterday's,
I preferred not to use my car in going to the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs; I walked there, accompanied by my chasseur, the
faithful Léonide, who was wearing civilian clothes.
Close to the Summer Garden I met one of the Ethiopians who
used to mount guard at the Emperor's door and had often ushered
me into the imperial study. The honest negro was also wearing
civilian clothes and looked very dejected. We walked together
for a short distance there were tears in his eyes. I tried to
comfort him a little and shook his hand. While he was walking
away I watched him with amused eyes. In this collapse of a whole
political and social system he stands for the monarchical splendours
of other days, the picturesque and sumptuous ceremonial introduced
by Elizabeth and Catherine the Great (long ago) and all that magic
atmosphere which was conjured up by the words which will henceforth
mean nothing: "The Court of Russia."
I met Buchanan in the vestibule of the Ministry. Pokrovski
said to us:
"The Council of Ministers has been sitting continuously
all night in the Marie Palace. The Emperor has no illusions about
the gravity of the situation, as he has given General Ivanov extraordinary
powers to restore order; he also seems determined to reconquer
his capital by force and will not hear of making terms with troops
who have killed their officers and raised the red flag. But I
doubt whether General Ivanov, who was at Mohilev yesterday, will
ever reach Petrograd: the insurgents are in control of all the
railways. And even if he succeeded in getting here, what could
he do? All the regiments have gone over to the revolution. Only
certain isolated detachments and a few bodies of police are still
offering resistance. Of my colleagues in the ministry the majority
are in flight and several have been arrested. I personally had
the greatest difficulty in getting away from the Marie Palace
to-night. Why, I'm awaiting my fate at this moment."
He spoke very calmly, in a simple, dignified, courageous and
firm tone which gave a look of nobility to his pleasant face.
To realize how meritorious his serenity is, it must be remembered
that, though he was Comptroller-General of the finances of the
Empire for a long time, he has no capital at all and is blessed
with a large family.
"As you've just crossed the city," he said, "
tell me if you think the Emperor can still save his crown?"
"He has a chance, because there is appalling confusion
in all quarters. But the Emperor must at once accept what has
happened by appointing the provisional committee of the Duma as
ministers and pardoning the rebels. I also think that if he appeared.
in person to his army and people, and solemnly announced on the
steps of Our Lady of Kazan that a new era is beginning for Russia,
he would have a splendid reception. But if he waits a day it will
be too late. - There is a fine remark of Lucan's which can be
applied to the opening stages of all revolutions: Ruit
irrevocabile vulgus.. I have been saying it over to myself
to-night. In the stormy circumstances through which we are passing,
the irrevocable soon becomes a fact!"
"We don't even know where the Emperor is. He must have
left Mohilev yesterday evening or at dawn this morning. I have
no news whatever of the Empress. It's impossible to communicate
with Tsarskoe Selo."
As we came out of the ministry, Sir George Buchanan said to
me:
"Let's go by the Court Quay instead of going through the
Millionaïa. We shall avoid the Guard's barracks that way."
But as we entered the quay we were recognized by a body of
students who cheered us and provided an escort. Opposite the Marble
Palace the crowd got much larger and noisily enthusiastic. Cries
of "Long live the Internationale! Long live peace!"
blended unpleasantly with shouts of Long live France! Long live
England!"
At the corner of Suvorov Square, Buchanan left me after advising
me to take shelter in his embassy from the mob, which was getting
somewhat too excited. But as it was late and I wanted to wire
to Paris before lunch, I went on my way.
Opposite the Summer Garden I was entirely surrounded by the
crowd which stopped a passing motor machine-gun and insisted on
my getting in and being conveyed to the Tauride Palace. A huge
and boisterous student, waving a red flag, bawled in my face in
excellent French:
"Pay your respects to the Russian Revolution! The red
flag is Russia's flag now; do homage to it in the name of France!"
He translated his words into Russian and they were greeted
with frantic cheers. I replied:
"I cannot pay a finer tribute to Russian liberty than
to invite you to join me in saying: 'Long live the war!'"
He was very careful not to translate my reply. At length we
reached the embassy. Not without considerable trouble and the
strenuous efforts of my chasseur did I succeed in getting
clear of the crowd and within my own doors.
During the whole of this afternoon the revolution has been
pursuing its logical and inevitable course. Ruit irrevocabile
vulgus..
I have successively learned that Prince Golitizin, (President
of the Council) the Metropolitan Pitirim, Sturmer, Dobrovolsky,
Protopopov, etc., have been arrested. The livid glow of fresh
fires can be seen at various points. The Fortress of SS. Peter
and Paul has become the headquarters of the revolt. Fierce fighting
is taking place around the Admiralty, where the War Minister,
the Naval Minister and several high officials have taken refuge.
In all other parts of the city the insurgents are ruthlessly tracking
down "traitors," police officials and gendarmes. The
shooting has sometimes been so brisk in the streets round the
embassy that my dvorniks have refused to take my telegrams
to the General Post Office, the only one which is still working;
I have had to rely on a petty officer of the French Navy who is
on leave in Petrograd and is not afraid of bullets.
About five o'clock, a high official,. K - -, came to tell
me that the executive committee of the Duma is trying to form
a "provisional government," but that President Rodzianko,
Gutchkov, Shulgin and Maklakov are utterly taken aback by the
anarchical behaviour of the army.
"They never imagined a revolution like this," my
informer added; "they hoped to direct it and keep it within
bounds through the army. The troops recognize no leader now and
are spreading terror throughout the city."
He then told me abruptly that he had been asked to see me by
President Rodzianko, and asked me if I had no advice, no suggestion
to send him.
"As French Ambassador," I said, "the war is
my main concern of course, so I want the effects of the revolution
to be kept down as much as possible and order to be restored at
the earliest moment. Don't forget that the French army is making
preparations for a great offensive and that the Russian army is
bound in honour to do its share."
"So you think it necessary to retain the imperial system?"
"Yes, but in. a constitutional as opposed to an autocratic
form."
"Nicholas II cannot be allowed to reign any more; no one
has any confidence left in him and he has lost all authority.
In any case, he would never consent to sacrifice the Empress."
"You may change the Tsar, but you should stick to tsarism."
And I endeavoured to explain to him how tsarism is the very
framework of Russia, the essential and irreplaceable buttress
of Russian society and the sole link which unites all the heterogeneous
nations of the Empire:
"If tsarism collapsed, you may be certain that it would
bring down the whole edifice of Russia with it."
He assured me that Rodzianko, Gutchkov and Miliukov thought
exactly the same and were hard at work on that footing, but that
the socialist and anarchist elements were gaining ground every
hour.
"That's another reason for losing no time," I said.
At nightfall, I ventured out with my secretary Chambrun to
cheer up some women friends who lived near and whom I knew to
be extremely anxious. After a call on Princess. Stanislas Radziwill
and the Countess de Robien, we decided to return, as in spite
of the darkness there was constant firing and, as we crossed the
Serguievskaïa, we heard the bullets whistling past.
During a day which has been prolific in grave events and may
perhaps have determined the future of Russia for a century to
come, I have made a note of one episode which seems trivial at
first sight, but in reality is highly significant. The town house
of Kchechinskaïa, at the end of the Kammenny-Ostrov Prospekt
and opposite Alexander Park, was occupied by the insurgents to-day
and sacked from top to bottom. I remember a detail which makes
it easy to see why the residence of the famous dancer has been
singled out by mob fury. It was last winter; the cold was intense
and the thermometer had fallen to-35°. Sir George Buchanan,
whose embassy is centrally heated, had been unable to procure
coal, which is the essential fuel for that system. He had appealed
to the Russian Admiralty, but in vain. That very morning Sazonov
had definitely told him it was impossible to find coal in any
public depot. In the afternoon we went for a walk together on
the Islands, as the sky was clear and there was no wind. Just
as we were entering Kammenny-Ostrov Prospekt, Buchanan burst out:
"Well, if that isn't a bit too thick!" He pointed to
four military lorries opposite the dancer's house; they were laden
with sacks of coal which a squad of soldiers was engaged in removing.
"Don't worry, Sir George," I said. "You haven't
the same claim as Madame Kchechinskaïa to the attentions
of the imperial authorities."
It is probable that for years past many thousands of Russians
have made similar remarks about the favours heaped upon Kchechinskaïa.
The ballerina, once the beloved of the Tsarevitch and subsequently
courted by two Grand Dukes at once, has become as it were a symbol
of the imperial order. It is that symbol which has been attacked
by the plebs to-day. A revolution is always more or less a summary
and a sanction.
Wednesday, March 14, 1917.
There has been much fighting and burning again in Petrograd
this morning. The soldiers are hunting down officers and gendarmes - a
ruthless and savage chase which betrays all the barbarous instincts
still latent in the moujik nature.
In the general anarchy which is raging in Petrograd, three
directing bodies are in process of formation:
(1) The "Executive Committee of the Duma," with Rodzianko
as its president and comprising twelve members, including Miliukov,
Shulgin, Konovalov, Kerensky and Cheidze. It is thus representative
of all parties of the progressive group and the Extreme Left.
It is trying to secure the necessary reforms immediately in order
to maintain the existing political system, at the cost of proclaiming
another emperor, if need be. But the Tauris Palace is occupied
by the insurgents so that the committee has to confer amidst general
uproar, and is exposed to the bullying of the mob; (2) The "Council
of Working-Men and Soldier Deputies," the Soviet. It holds
its sittings at the Finland station. Its password and battlecry
is "Proclaim the social Republic and put an end to the war."
Its leaders are already denouncing the members of the Duma as
traitors to the revolution, and openly adopting the same attitude
towards the legal representative body as the Commune of Paris
adopted towards the Legislative Assembly in 1792; (3) The "Headquarters
of the Troops." This body sits in the Fortress of SS. Peter
and Paul. It is composed of a few junior officers who have gone
over to the revolution and several N.C.O.'s or soldiers who have
been promoted to officer rank. It is endeavouring to introduce
a little system into the business of supplying the combatants
and is sending them food and ammunition. In particular it is keeping
the Duma in a state of subjection. Through it the soldiery is
all-powerful at the present moment. A few battalions, quartered
in and around the Fortress, are the only organized force in Petrograd;
they are the prætorians of the revolution and as determined,
ignorant and fanatical as the famous battalions of the Faubourg
Saint-Antoine and the Faubourg Saint-Marcel in that same year
1792.
Since the Russian revolution, memories of the French revolution
have often passed through my mind. But the spirit of the two movements
is quite dissimilar. By its origins, principles and social, rather
than political character, the present upheaval has a much stronger
resemblance to the Revolution of 1848.
The Emperor left Mohilev this morning. His train proceeded
towards Bologoïe, which is half-way between Moscow and Petrograd.
It is presumed that the Emperor intends to return to Tsarskoe Selo
but some people are wondering whether he is not thinking of going
to Moscow to organize resistance to the revolution.
The fact that the army has monopolized the lead in the revolutionary
drama has just been confirmed before my own eyes by the spectacle
of three regiments marching past the embassy on their way to the
Tauride Palace. They marched in perfect order, with their band
at the head. A few officers came first, wearing a large red cockade
in their caps, a knot of red ribbon on their shoulders and red
stripes on their sleeves. The old regimental standard, covered
with ikons, was surrounded by red flags.
The Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovitch has come out openly in
favour of the revolution.
He has gone even further. Forgetting the oath of fealty, and
the office of aide-de-camp which bind him to the Emperor, he went
off about one o'clock this afternoon to make obeisance to popular
rule. In his naval captain's uniform he was seen leading the marines
of the Guard, whose commander he is, and placing their services
at the disposal of the rebels!
Shortly afterwards the Potemkin Palace was the scene of another
and equally melancholy spectacle. A body of officers and men,
who had been sent by the garrison of Tsarskoe Selo, signified
its adherence to the revolution.
At the head were the Cossacks of the Escort, those magnificent
horsemen who are the flower of the Kasatchesvo, the proud
and privileged élite of the Imperial Guard. Then
came the Regiment of His Majesty, the legion sacrée
which is recruited by selection from all the units of the
Guard and whose special function it is to secure the personal
safety of their sovereigns. Next came His Majesty's Railway Regiment
which has the duty of conducting the imperial trains and watching
over the safety of Their Majesties when travelling. At the end
of the procession marched the Police of the Imperial Palaces,
chosen satellites who have to guard the imperial residences from
within and thus participate daily in the intimate, private life
of their masters. All of these men, officers and privates alike,
have vowed their devotion to the new authority - whose very name
they do not know - as if they could not embrace the chains of
a new servitude too soon.
While this shameful piece of news was being told him, my mind
went back to the brave Swiss who let themselves be cut to pieces
on the steps of the Tuileries on August 10, 1792, though Louis
XVI was not their sovereign and when they greeted him they did
not call him: Tsary batiushka, "Our Little
Father the Tsar!"
In the course of the evening Count S - - called on me to ask
for information about the situation. I told him incidentally of
the humiliating submission of the Tsarskoe Selo garrison
at the Tauride Palace. At first he would not believe me. After
long and mournful reflection he continued:
" What a horrible, horrible thing. The Guard troops who
took part in that demonstration have disgraced themselves for
ever. But perhaps the fault is not entirely theirs. In their continual
attendance on Their Majesties they've seen too many things they
ought not to have seen they know too much about Rasputin ... "
As I wrote yesterday when on the subject of Kchechinskaïa,
a revolution is always more or less a summary and a sanction.
Just before midnight I was told that the leaders of the liberal
parties held a secret conference this evening - in the absence
of the socialists and without their knowledge - with a view to
arriving at an agreement about the future form of government.
They were of one accord that the monarchy must be retained,
but Nicholas II, who is responsible for the present disasters,
must be sacrificed to the salvation of Russia. The former president
of the Duma, Alexander Ivanov Gutchkov, who is now sitting in
the Council of Empire then expressed the following opinion: "It
is of vital importance that Nicholas II should not be overthrown
by violence. The only thing which can secure the permanent establishment
of a new order, without too great a shock, is his voluntary abdication.
The spontaneous renunciation of Nicholas II is the only means
of saving the imperial system and the dynasty of the Romanovs."
This view, which seems to me very sound, was unanimously adopted.
The liberal leaders closed their conference by deciding that
Gutchkov and Shulgin, the deputy from the Nationalist Right, shall
go straight to the Emperor and beg him to abdicate in favour of
his son.
Thursday, March 15, 1917.
Gutchkov and Shulgin left Petrograd at nine o'clock this morning.
Thanks to the aid of an engineer attached to the railway service,
they were able to get a special train without arousing the suspicions
of the socialist committees.
Discipline is gradually being re-established among the troops.
Order has been restored in the city and the shops are cautiously
opening their doors again.
The Executive Committee of the Duma and the Council of Workmen's
and Soldiers' Deputies have come to an agreement on the following
points:
(1) Abdication of the Emperor; (2) Accession of the Tsarevitch;
(3) The Grand Duke Michael (the Emperor's brother) to be regent;
(4) Formation of a responsible ministry; (5) Election of a constituent
assembly by universal suffrage; (6) All races to be proclaimed
equal before the law.
The young deputy Kerensky, who has gained a reputation as an
advocate in political trials, is coming out as one of the most
active and strong-minded organizers of the new order. His influence
with the Soviet is great. He is a man we must try
to win over to our cause. He alone is capable of making the Soviet
realize the necessity of continuing the war and maintaining
the alliance. I have therefore telegraphed to Paris, suggesting
to Briand that an appeal from the French socialists to the patriotism
of the Russian socialists should be sent through Kerensky.
But the whole of the interest of the day has been concentrated
on the little town of Pskov, half-way between Petrograd and Dvinsk.
It was there that the imperial train, which failed to reach Tsarskoe Selo,
stopped at eight o'clock yesterday evening.
The Emperor, who left Mohilev on March 13 at 4.30 a.m., decided
to go to Tsarskoe Selo, the Empress having begged him to
return there at once. The news he had received from Moscow did
not alarm him unduly. Of course it may be that General Voyeïkov
kept part of the truth from him. About three o'clock in the morning
of March 14, as the engine of the imperial train was taking in
water at the station of Malaïa-Vichera, General Zabel, commander
of His Majesty's Railway Regiment, took it upon himself to awaken
the Emperor to tell him that the line to Petrograd had been closed
and that Tsarskoe Selo was in the hands of the revolutionary
forces. After giving vent to his surprise and irritation at not
having been better informed, the Emperor is said to have replied:
"Moscow will remain faithful to me. We will go to Moscow!"
Then he is reported to have added, with his usual apathy:
"If the revolution succeeds, I shall abdicate voluntarily.
I'll go and live at Livadia; I love flowers."
But at the station of Dno it was learned that the whole populace
of Moscow had adhered to the revolution. Then the Emperor decided
to seek a haven of refuge among his troops and selected the headquarters
of the armies of the North, commanded by General Russky, at Pskov.
The imperial train arrived at Pskov at eight o'clock yesterday
evening.
General Russky came to confer with the Emperor at once and
had no difficulty in demonstrating that his duty was to abdicate.
He also invoked the unanimous opinion of General Alexeiev
and the army commanders, whom he had consulted by telegraph.
The Emperor instructed General Russky to report to Rodzianko,
the President of the Duma, his intention to renounce the throne.
This morning Pokrovski resigned his office as Foreign Minister;
he did so with that calm and unaffected dignity which makes him
so lovable.
"My work is over," he said to me. "The President
of the Council and all my colleagues have been arrested or are
in flight. It is three days since the Emperor showed any sign
of life and, to crown everything, General Ivanov, who was to bring
us His Majesty's orders, has not arrived. In the circumstances
it is impossible for me to carry out my duties; I am leaving my
post and handing over its duties to my administrative deputy.
In this way I avoid breaking my oath to the Emperor, as I have
not entered into any sort of communication with the revolutionaries."
During the evening, the leaders of the Duma have at last succeeded
in forming a Provisional Government with Prince Lvov as president;
he is taking the Ministry of the Interior. The other ministers
are Gutchkov (War), Miliukov (Foreign Affairs), Terestchenko (Finance),
Kerensky (Justice), etc.
The first cabinet of the new régime was only
formed after interminable wrangling and haggling with the Soviet.
The socialists have certainly realized that the Russian proletariat
is still too inorganic and ignorant to shoulder the practical
responsibilities of power; but they are anxious to be the power
behind the scenes, so they have insisted on the appointment of
Kerensky as Minister for Justice in order to keep an eye on the
Provisional Government.
Friday, March 16, 1917.
Nicholas II abdicated yesterday, shortly before mid-night.
When the emissaries of the Duma, Gutchkov and Shulgin, arrived
at Pskov about nine o'clock in the evening, the Emperor gave them
his usual simple and kindly reception.
In very dignified language and a voice which trembled somewhat,
Gutchkov told the Emperor the object of his mission and ended
with these words:
"Nothing but the abdication of Your Majesty in favour
of your son can still save the Russian Fatherland and preserve
the dynasty."
The Emperor replied very quickly, as if referring to some perfectly
commonplace matter:
"I decided to abdicate yesterday. But I cannot be separated
from my son; that is more than I could bear; his health is too
delicate you must realize what I feel ... I shall therefore
abdicate in favour of my brother, Michael Alexandrovich."
Gutchkov at once bowed to the argument of fatherly affection
to which the Tsar appealed and Shulgin also acquiesced.
The Emperor then went into his study with the Minister of the
Court; he came out ten minutes later with the act of abdication
signed. Count Fredericks handed it to Gutchkov.
This memorable document is worded as follows:
By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II, Emperor of all the Russias,
Tsar of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc., etc., to all our
faithful subjects make known:
In these days of terrible struggle against the foreign enemy
who has been trying for three years to impose his will upon Our
Fatherland, God has willed that Russia should be faced with a
new and formidable trial. Troubles at home threaten to have a
fatal effect on the ultimate course of this hard-fought war.
The destinies of Russia, the honour of Our heroic army, the welfare
of the nation and the whole future of our dear country require
that the war shall be continued, cost what it may, to a victorious
end.
Our cruel enemy is making his final effort and the day is
at hand when our brave army, with the help of our glorious allies,
will overthrow him once and for all.
At this moment, a moment so decisive for the existence of
Russia, Our conscience bids Us to facilitate the closest union
of Our subjects and the organization of all their forces for
the speedy attainment of victory.
For that reason We think it right - and the Imperial Duma
shares Our view - to abdicate the crown of the Russian State
and resign the supreme power.
As We do not desire to be separated from Our beloved son,
We bequeath Our inheritance to Our brother, the Grand Duke Michael
Alexandrovich, and give him Our blessing on his accession to
the throne. We ask him to govern in the closest concert with
the representatives of the nation who sit in the legislative
assemblies and to pledge them his inviolable oath in the name
of the beloved country.
We appeal to all the loyal sons of Russia and ask them to
do their patriotic and sacred duty by obeying their Tsar at this
moment of painful national crisis and to help him and the representatives
of the nation to guide the Russian State into the path of prosperity
and glory.
May God help Russia!
NICHOLAS.
On reading this declaration, which was typed on an ordinary
sheet of paper, the emissaries of the Duma were deeply stirred
and could hardly speak as they took their leave of Nicholas II
who was as unmoved as ever as he give them a kindly handshake.
As soon as they left the carriage the imperial train started
off for Dvinsk with a view to returning to Mohilev.
History can show few events so momentous, or so pregnant with
possibilities and far-reaching in their effects. Yet of all those
of which it has left any record, is there a single one which has
taken place in such casual, commonplace and prosaic fashion, and
above all with such indifference and self-effacement on the part
of the principal hero?
Is it simply lack of interest in the Emperor's case? I think
not. His abdication decree, over which he has pondered long if
he did not actually word it himself, is inspired by the loftiest
sentiments, and its general tone is nobility itself. But his moral
attitude at this supreme crisis appears perfectly logical if it
is admitted as I have often remarked, that for many months past
the unhappy sovereign has felt himself lost and that he long ago
made his sacrifice and accepted his fate.
The accession of the Grand Duke Michael to the throne has aroused
the fury of the Soviet: "No more Romanovs!" is
the cry in all quarters: "We want a republic!"
For one moment the harmony was shattered which was established
with such difficulty between the Executive Committee of the Duma
and the Soviet yesterday evening. But fear of the gaol-birds
who are in command at the Finland Station and the Fortress has
compelled the representatives of the Duma to give way. A delegation
from the Executive Committee went to see the Grand Duke Michael
who made no sort of objection and consented to accept the crown
only if it should be offered to him by the constituent assembly.
Perhaps he would have submitted less tamely if his wife, the clever
and ambitious Countess Brassov, had been at his side and not at
Gatchina.
The Soviet is now master.
Disturbances in the city are also beginning again. In the course
of the afternoon I have been told of many demonstrations against
the war. Certain regiments have suggested making a protest outside
the French and English Embassies. At seven o'clock this evening
the Executive Committee decided it was better to post soldiers
in the two embassies. Thirty-two cadets of the Corps of Pages
have just taken up their station in my house.
Saturday, March 17, 1917.
The weather is very dismal this morning. From dark and heavy
clouds the snow is falling in dense flakes, and so slowly that
I cannot even make out the granite wall which lines the icy bed
of the Neva twenty paces from my windows. We might be in the very
depths of winter. The gloom of the landscape and. the enmity of
nature harmonize only too well with the sinister course events
are taking.
One of those who were present gives me the following detailed
account of the meeting at the conclusion of which the Grand Duke
Michael signed his provisional abdication yesterday.
It took place at ten o'clock in the morning at Prince Paul
Putiatin's house, No. 12, Millionaïa.
In addition to the Grand Duke and his secretary, Matveïev,
there were present Prince Lvov, Rodzianko, Militikov, Nekrassov,
Kerensky, Nabokov, Shingarev and Baron Nolde; about half-past
ten they were joined by Gutchkov and Shulgin, who had come straight
from Pskov.
As soon as the discussion. began, Gutchkov and Miliukov boldly
asserted that Michael Alexandrovich had no right to evade the
responsibility of supreme power. Rodzianko, Nekrassov and Kerensky
argued contra that the accession of a new Tsar would release
a torrent of revolutionary passion and bring Russia face to face
with a frightful crisis; their conclusion was that the monarchical
question should be reserved until the meeting of the constituent
assembly which would make its sovereign will known. The argument
was pressed with such force and stubbornness, particularly by
Kerensky, that all those present came round to it with the exception
of Gutchkov and Miliukov. With complete disinterestedness the
Grand Duke himself agreed.
Gutchkov then made a final effort. Addressing the Grand Duke
in person and appealing to his patriotism and courage he pointed
out how necessary it was that the Russian people should be presented
at once with the living embodiment of a national leader:
"If you are afraid to take up the burden of the imperial
crown now, Monseigneur, you should at least agree to exercise
supreme authority as 'Regent of the Empire during the vacancy
of the throne,' or, to take a much finer title, 'Protector of
the Nation,' as Cromwell styled himself. At the same time you
would give a solemn undertaking to the nation to surrender your
power to a constituent assembly as soon as the war ends."
This ingenious idea, which might have saved the whole situation,
made Kerensky almost beside himself with passion and provoked
him to a torrent of invective and threats which terrified everyone
there.
In the general confusion the Grand Duke rose with the remark
that he would like to think things over by himself for a minute
or two. He was making for the next room when Kerensky leaped in
front of him as if to keep him back:
"Promise us not to consult your wife, Monseigneur!"
His thoughts had at once gone to the ambitious Countess Brassov
whose empire over her husband's mind was complete. With a smile
the Grand Duke replied:
"Don't worry, Alexander Feodorovitch, my wife isn't here
at the moment; she stayed behind at Gatchina!"
Five minutes later the Grand Duke returned. In very calm tones
he declared:
"I have decided to abdicate."
The triumphant Kerensky called out:
"Monseigneur, you are the noblest of men!"
The rest of the company, however, was wrapped in a .gloomy
silence; even those who had been the strongest advocates of abdication - Prince
Lvov and Rodzianko, for instance - seemed overwhelmed by the irreparable
occurrence that had just taken place. Gutchkov relieved his conscience
by a final protest:
"Gentlemen, you are leading Russia to her ruin; I am not
going to follow you in that baneful path."
A provisional and conditional abdication was then drawn up
by Nekrassov, Nabokov and Baron Nolde. Michael Alexandrovich
interrupted them several times in their task to make it quite
clear that his refusal of the imperial crown remained subject
to the ultimate decision of the Russian nation as represented
by a constituent assembly.
At the conclusion he took the pen and signed.
Throughout this long and painful discussion the Grand Duke's
composure and dignity never once deserted him. Hitherto his compatriots
have had but a poor opinion of him; he was considered to be of
weak character and lacking in brains. But on this historic occasion
his patriotism, nobility and self-sacrifice were very touching.
When the final formalities had been concluded, the delegates of
the Executive Committee could not help showing him that the impression
he made upon them won their sympathy and respect. Kerensky tried
to interpret the emotion they all felt in a lapidary phrase which
fell from his lips in a theatrical outburst.
"Monseigneur! You have generously entrusted to us the
sacred cup of your power. I promise you we will hand it on to
the constituent assembly without spilling a single drop."
General Efimovitch, who called on me this morning, has brought
me some news of Tsarskoe Selo.
It was through the Grand Duke Paul that the Empress learned
yesterday evening of the Emperor's abdication; she had heard nothing
of him for two days. She burst out:
"It's quite impossible! It isn't true! It's another newspaper
lie! I believe in God and trust the army. Neither could have deserted
us at so critical a moment!"
The Grand Duke read her the abdication which had just been
published. Then everything came home to her and she burst into
tears.
The Provisional Government has not been long in capitulating
to the demands of the socialists. At the Soviet's command
it has actually come to the following humiliating decision:
The troops which have taken part in the revolutionary movement
will not be disarmed but will remain in Petrograd.
Thus the first act of the revolutionary army is to extract
a promise that it shall not be sent to the front but shall fight
no more! What a badge of shame for the Russian Revolution! How
can one help thinking of the contrast afforded by the Volunteers
of 1792! Besides, the soldiers in the streets seem lost to all
decency and are giving a disgusting exhibition of effrontery and
licence. By its infamous insistence the Soviet has created
for itself a formidable militia, for the garrisons of Petrograd
and the suburbs (Tsarskoe Selo, Peterhof, Krasnoe Selo
and Gatchina) comprise no less than 170,000 men.
This afternoon Miliukov took over the portfolio of foreign
affairs. He made a point of seeing me at once, as well as my English
and Italian colleagues.
We answered his summons at once.
I found him very much changed, extremely weary and looking
ten years older. The days and nights of fierce controversy through
which he has just passed have worn him out.
I asked him:
"Before you take to official phraseology tell me frankly
and honestly what you think of the situation."
In an outburst of sincerity he replied:
"Within the last twenty-four hours I have passed from
utter despair to all but perfect confidence."
Then we talked officially:
"I'm not yet in a position," I said, "to tell
you that the Government of the Republic recognizes the government
you have set up; but I'm certain I'm only anticipating my instructions
in promising you active and sympathetic assistance on my part."
He thanked me warmly, and continued: "We didn't want this
revolution to come during hostilities; I didn't even anticipate
it; but it has taken place, as the result of other agencies, and
through the mistakes and crimes of the imperial regime. Our
business now is to save Russia by ruthlessly prosecuting the war
to victory. But the passions of the people have been so exasperated
and the difficulties of the situation are so frightful that we
must at once make great concessions to the national conscience."
Among these immediate concessions he mentioned the arrest of
several ministers, generals, officials, and so on, the proclamation
of a general amnesty - from which the servants of the old government
will of course be excluded - the destruction of all the imperial
emblems, the convocation of. a constituent assembly in the near
future; in a word every measure calculated to rob the Russian
nation of all fear of a counter-revolution.
"So the Romanov dynasty has fallen I said."
"Yes, in fact; no, in law. The constituent assembly alone
will be qualified to change the political status of Russia."
"But how will you secure the election of this constituent
assembly? Will the men at the front be content to forego their
votes?"
With considerable confusion he admitted: "We shall be
obliged to grant the men at the front the right to vote."
"What, you're going to give the men at the front a vote!
Most of them are fighting thousands of versts from their villages
and can't read or write!"
Miliukov as good as told me that in his heart of hearts he
shared my views and confided that he is doing his utmost to give
no definite promise as to the date of the general election.
"But the socialists are insisting on an election at once,"
he added. "They are extremely strong, and the situation is
very, very critical!"
As I pressed him to explain these words, he told me that though
order has been restored to some extent in Petrograd, the Baltic
Fleet and Kronstadt garrison are in open revolt.
I asked Miliukov about the official nomenclature of the new
government.
" The title hasn't been decided upon yet," he said.
"At the moment we are calling ourselves the Provisional Government.
But in that name we are getting all executive authority, including
the imperial prerogative, into our hands; so we are not responsible
to the Duma."
"In a word, you derive all your power from the revolution?"
'"No, we have received it., by inheritance, from the Grand
Duke Michael, who transferred it to us by his abdication decree."
This legal sensitiveness showed me that the "moderates"
of the new order, Rodzianko, Prince Lvov, Gutchkov and Miliukov
himself, are extremely worried and uneasy in their conscience
at the idea of violating monarchical rights. At bottom - and it
is only, the normal course of revolutions - they feel that they
are already being thrust aside, and are fearfully wondering where
they will be to-morrow.
Miliukov looked so exhausted, and the loss of voice he has
suffered in the last few days made talking so painful for him,
that I had to cut short our interview. But before leaving him
I urged very strongly that the Provisional Government should delay
no longer in solemnly proclaiming its fidelity to the alliances
and its determination to continue the war at any cost.
"You must realize that what is wanted is a plain and unambiguous
proclamation. Of course I haven't a doubt about your own feelings.
But the direction of Russian affairs is now at the mercy of new
forces; they must be given a lead at once. I have another reason
for insisting that the ruthless prosecution of the war and the
maintenance of the alliances shall be proclaimed openly. I must
tell you that in the old days I more than once caught germanophile
circles at Court - the Sturmer and Protopopov gang - dropping
a hint which worried me very much; it was admitted that the Emperor
Nicholas would not be able to make peace with Germany so long
as Russian soil had not been entirely cleared of the enemy, for
he had taken an oath on the Gospel and the ikon of Our Lady of
Kazan; but it was whispered that if the Emperor could be induced
to abdicate in favour of the Tsarevitch under the regency of the
Empress, his disastrous oath would not be binding on his heir.
You can see that I should like to be sure that the new Russia
considers herself bound by the oath of her former Tsar."
"You'll receive every guarantee on that head."
The food problem is still so difficult in Petrograd that my
supplies and the skill of my chef are very valuable to my friends.
I had seven or eight of them to dinner to-night, the party including
the Gortchakovs and Benckendorffs. Everyone was very depressed;
they could see extremist proletarian doctrines already sweeping
over Russia, disintegrating the national unity, spreading anarchy,
famine and ruin everywhere.
My forebodings are equally gloomy, alas! None of the men in
power at this moment possesses the political vision, faculty of
swift decision, courage and boldness which so formidable a situation
calls for. They are "Octobrists," "Cadets,"
advocates of constitutional monarchy, level-headed, honest, moderate
and disinterested. They remind me of Molé, Odilon, Barrot,
etc. in July, 1830. Yet the least that is required now is a Danton!
I am told, however, that they have one man of action among them,
the young Minister of Justice, Kerensky, who represents the "Labour"
group in the Duma and has been forced on the Provisional Government
by the Soviet.
There is no question that the men of initiative, energy and
courage, must be sought for in the Soviet. The multifarious
sections of the Social-Revolutionary and social-Democratic parties,
"People's Party," "Labour Men," "Terrorists,"
"Maximalists," "Minimalists," "Defeatists,"
etc., are not lacking in men who have given proof of resolution
and audacity in plots, penal servitude and exile; I need only
mention Tcheidze, Tseretelli, Zinoviev and Axelrod. These are
the true protagonists of the drama on which the curtain is now
rising
Sunday, March 18, 1917.
As yet I know nothing of the effect the Russian revolution
has had in France; but I am afraid of the illusions it may create
there and it is only too easy for me to guess all the examples
with which it is likely to present the socialist jargon-mongers.
I have therefore thought it advisable to give my government a
word of warning and I am cabling as follows to Briand:
When I said good-bye to M. Doumergue and General de Castelnau
last month, I asked them to advise the President of the Republic
and yourself of my increasing concern at the internal situation
of the Empire; I added that it would be a serious mistake to
think that time is working for us, at any rate in Russia; I came
to the conclusion that we should expedite our military operations
as much as possible.
I am more convinced of that than ever. A few days before the
Revolution I advised you that the decisions of the recent conference
were already a dead letter, that the confusion in the munitions
production establishments and transport services was beginning
again on an even more formidable scale, and so forth. The question
is whether the new Government is capable of promptly carrying
out the necessary reforms. It says, and quite sincerely, that
it can but I don't believe a word of it. For it is not merely
confusion, but wholesale disorganization and anarchy from which
the military and civil departments are suffering.
Taking the most hopeful view I can, what can we expect? A
terrible load would be off my mind if I could be certain that
the fighting armies will not be contaminated by demagogic agitation
and discipline soon restored among the garrisons behind the front.
I have not yet abandoned that hope. I can still bring myself
to think that the social-democrats will not translate their desire
to end the war into irreparable acts. I can also admit the possibility
of a revival of patriotic fervour in some parts of the country.
But for all that there must be a weakening of the national effort
which was only too anaemic and spasmodic already. And the process
of recovery is likely to be a long one with a race whose ideas
of method and forethought are so rudimentary.
After sending this cable, I went out to see some of the churches:
I was curious to know how the faithful would behave at the Sunday
mass now that the name of the Emperor has been deleted from public
prayers. In the orthodox liturgy divine protection was continually
being invoked for the Emperor, Empress, Tsarevitch, and all the
imperial family, it was a kind of recurring chorus. By order of
the Holy Synod, the prayer for the Sovereigns has been abolished
and nothing has taken its place. The churches I visited were the
Preobrajensky Cathedral, Saint Simeon and Saint Panteleimon. The
same scene met me everywhere; a grave and silent congregation
exchanging amazed and melancholy glances. Some of the moujiks
looked bewildered and horrified and several had tears in their
eyes. Yet even among those who seemed the most moved I could not
find one who did not sport a red cockade or armband. They had
all been working for the Revolution; all of them were with it,
body and soul. But that did not prevent them from shedding tears
for their little Father, the Tsar, Tsary batinshka!
Then I called at the Foreign Office.
Miliukov told me that yesterday evening he discussed with his
colleagues the formula to be inserted in the coming manifesto
of the Provisional Government on the subject of the prosecution
of the war and the maintenance of the alliance; he added in a
tone of embarrassment:
"I hope to secure the adoption of a form of words which
will satisfy you."
"You mean to say you only hope? A hope's no good
to me: I want a certainty."
"You may be certain I shall do everything in my power
... . But you've no idea how difficult our socialists are to
handle! And we've got to avoid a rupture with them at any cost.
Otherwise, it means civil war!"
"Whatever reasons you may have for going slowly with the
hotheads of the Soviet, you must realize that I cannot tolerate
any doubt about your determination to continue the alliance and
carry on the war."
"Please trust me!"
Miliukov struck me as less optimistic than he was yesterday.
The news from Kronstadt, the Baltic Fleet and Sebastopol is bad.
To crown all, disorder is spreading at the front; officers have
been massacred.
This afternoon I went for a walk on the Islands, which are
more deserted than ever and still snow-bound.
Thinking of my visit to the churches this morning, I mused
on the strange inaction of the clergy during the revolution; it
has taken no part; is never seen anywhere and has given absolutely
no sign of life. This abstention and self-effacement are all the
more surprising because there was not one celebration, ceremony
or public occasion in which the Church did not occupy the foreground
with the splendours of its rites, apparel and singing.
The matter is self-explanatory, and to put that explanation
into words I have only to search the pages of this Diary. In the
first place the Russian people are not as religious as they appear
to be: they are primarily mystics. Their habit of continually
crossing themselves, their genuflections, their taste for ritual
and processions and craze for ikons and relics are simply an outlet
for the demands of their lively imagination. Pierce but a little
way into their minds and all one finds is a faith which is vague
and hazy, sentimental and dreamy, almost destitute of intellectual
and theological elements and always on the verge of sinking into
sectarian anarchy. One must also bear in mind the confined and
humiliating servitude tsarism has always imposed on the Church,
a servitude which made the clergy a kind of spiritual police,
to reinforce the military, police. Often enough, during the sumptuous
services in the cathedrals of St. Alexander Nevsky or Kazan, I
have called to mind Napoleon's remark that "an archbishop
is simply a second Prefect of Police!" Nor must one forget
the opprobrium brought on the Holy Synod and the episcopal hierarchy
in the last few years by Rasputin. The Hermogenes, Varnava, Basily
and Pitirim scandals, and many others, had greatly shocked all
true believers. When the nation rose in revolt the clergy could
do nothing but keep silence. But when the time for reaction arrives,
perhaps the country priests, who have remained in touch with the
rural masses, will make their voice heard again.
I was told yesterday that the form of the Emperor's abdication
decree was settled by Nicholas Alexandrovich Basily, formerly
Deputy-Director of Sazonov's department and now in charge of the
diplomatic section of General Headquarters; the decree is said
to have been communicated by telegraph from Pskov to Mohilev on
March 15, even before the delegates of the Duma, Gutchkov and
Shulgin, had seen the Emperor. It is a point which would be interesting
to clear up.
Curiously enough, late this afternoon I had a visit from Basily
whom General Alexeiev has sent to the Provisional Government
on some mission.
"Hallo!" I said: "I understand it's you who
drafted the Emperor's abdication decree?"
He started,, and protested vigorously: "I absolutely deny
the paternity of the document the Emperor signed. The draft I
prepared on General Alexeiev's orders was very different."
What he told me was this:
"In the morning of the 14th March General Alexeiev
received from President. Rodzianko, a telegram informing him that
the machinery of government had ceased to function in Petrograd
and the only means of averting anarchy was to secure the Emperor's
abdication in favour of his son. The Chief of Staff of the Imperial
Armies was thus faced with a dreadful problem. Would not the Tsar's
abdication threaten the army with divisions, if not disruption?
The only thing to do was to get all the military heads to agree
at once on one course. General Russky, commanding the northern
armies, had already pronounced strongly in favour of immediate
abdication. General Alexeiev personally inclined to that
view; but the matter was so serious that he thought it his duty
to consult all the other Army Group commanders by telegraph, Generals
Evert, Brussilov, and Sakharov and the Grand Duke Nicholas Nicholaevich.
They all replied that the Emperor should abdicate at the earliest
possible moment."
"On which day did all these replies come into General
Alexeiev?"
"During the morning of March 15th. It was then that General
Alexeiev instructed me to report to him on the circumstances
in which the fundamental status of the Empire authorized the Tsar
to lay down his sceptre. I was not long in furnishing him with
a memorandum explaining and proving that if the Emperor abdicated
he was obliged to hand over his powers to his legitimate heir,
the Tsarevitch Alexis. 'That's exactly what I thought,' the General
said to me. 'Will you draft me a proclamation on those lines at
once?' I soon produced a draft in which I expounded the theory
of my memorandum to the best of my ability while endeavouring
to keep the necessity of prosecuting the war to victory persistently
in the foreground. The Chief of Staff had with him his principal
colleague and loyal Quartermaster, General Lukomsky. I handed
him my document. He read it aloud and agreed with every word.
Lukomsky also approved of it. The document was immediately telegraphed
to Pskov to be laid before the Emperor. A little before midnight
on the same day, General Danilov, Quartermaster-General of the
northern armies called his colleague at G.H.Q. to the tapemachine
to tell him of His Majesty's decision. I happened at that moment
to be in Lukorusky's room, with the Grand Duke Sergei Michailovitch.
We all rushed to the telegraph office and the machine began to
work before our eyes. I immediately recognized my draft on the
tape as it came out.
... To all Our faithful subjects We make known... in
these days of fierce conflict with the foreign foe, etc. But
you can just imagine the amazement of all three of us when we
observed that the name of the Grand Duke Michael had been substituted
for that of the Tsarevitch Alexis! We looked at each other in
blank consternation for the same idea entered all our heads. The
immediate accession of the Tsarevitch was the only means of stopping
the revolution in its career, or at any rate keeping it within
the limits of a great constitutional reform. In the first place,
the young Alexis Nicholaevich would have had the law on
his side. He would also have benefited by the sympathetic feeling
of the nation and army towards him. Lastly - and this was the
vital point - the imperial office would not have been vacant even
for a moment. If the Tsarevitch had been proclaimed, no one would
have had the authority to make him abdicate. What has happened
to the Grand Duke Michael would not have been possible in the
case of this boy. There might have been some wrangling over the
appointment of the regent, but that's all. Russia would have a
national head ... But where are we now?"
"I'm sorry to say that I fear events will prove you right
before very long ... When the Emperor deleted his son's name
from the proclamation you drafted for him he launched Russia on
a terrible adventure."
After discussing this topic for some considerable time, I asked
Basily:
"Have you seen the Emperor since his abdication?"
"Yes. On the 16th March, when the Emperor was returning
from Pskov to Mohilev, General Alexeiev sent me to tell him
how the situation was developing. I met his train at Orcha and
went straight to his coach. He was absolutely calm, but it shocked
me to see him. with a haggard look and hollow eyes. After telling
him of the latest happenings in Petrograd, I took the liberty
of saying that we at the Stavka were greatly distressed
because he had not transferred his crown to the Tsarevitch. He
answered quietly: 'I cannot be separated from my son.' I learned
afterwards from his escort that before the Emperor came to his
decision he had consulted his physician Professor Feodorov: 'I
order you to give me a frank answer,' he had said. 'Do you think
it possible that Alexis can ever get better?' 'No, Your Majesty,
his disease is incurable.' 'That's what the Empress thought long
ago, though I myself still had hopes. As God has willed it thus
I shall not separate myself from my poor boy!' A few minutes later
dinner was served. It was a melancholy meal. All of us felt our
hearts bursting; we couldn't cat or drink. Yet the Emperor retained
wonderful self-control and asked me several questions about the
men who form the Provisional Government; but as he was wearing
a rather low collar I could see that he was continually choking
down his emotion. I left him yesterday morning at Mohilev."
This evening I dined quietly with Madame P - -, the other
guests being Count Nicholas Muraviev, a former Governor of Moscow,
and Count Kutusov.
Madame P - - said:
"As long as Russia is governed from Petrograd things will
go from bad to worse ... Petrograd can only destroy; Moscow
alone is capable of reconstruction."
Muraviev replied:
"Don't build on Moscow too much! The civil population
is almost as rotten as that of Petrograd."
Kutusov interrupted:
"We have very much further to fall yet; in fact we shall
touch the bottom of the abyss ... But within three months the
Empire will be restored. Never forget that Russia has 178,000,000
inhabitants, of which 160,000,000 are peasants, 12,1000,000 Cossacks,
3,000,000 commercial folk and civil servants, 1,800,000 aristocrats
and 1,200,000 - at most - working-men. Those 1,200,000 rabotchiks
will not be our masters for ever!"
"So -you think that Dubrovin and Purishkevitch's famous
'Black Bands' have still their part to play?" I said.
"Certainly ... . and before very long!"
Monday, March 19, 1917.
Nicholas Romanov, as the Emperor is now styled in official
documents and the papers, has asked the Provisional Government
for -
(1) A free pass from Mohilev to Tsarskoe Selo; (2) Permission
to reside at the Alexander Palace until his children have recovered
from the measles; (3) a free pass from Tsarskoe Selo to
Port Romanov on the Murman coast.
The government has granted his requests.
Miliukov, who is my authority for this information, presumes
that the Emperor intends to ask the King of England for a place
of refuge.
"He should lose no time in getting away," I said.
"Otherwise, the Soviet extremists might quote some awkward
precedents against him."
Miliukov, who is rather of the Rousseau school and, being the
soul of kindness himself only too prone to believe in the innate
goodness of the human race, does not think that the lives of the
sovereigns are in danger. If he wants to see them go it is mainly
in order to spare them the sorrows of imprisonment and trial,
which would greatly increase the difficulties of the Government.
He lays great emphasis on the extraordinary restraint and forbearance
displayed by the people during this revolution, the small number
of victims, the way in which violence has been quickly followed
by moderation, and so forth.
"That's all right," I said; " the mob has soon
returned to its natural kindness of heart, because it is not in
any great distress and is overwhelmed with the pleasant sensation
of freedom. But if there is a famine violence will rage at once."
I quoted Roederer's highly expressive remark in 1792:
"Orators have only to appeal to hunger to conjure up cruelty."
Tuesday, March 20, 1917.
The Provisional Government's manifesto was published this morning.
It is a long, verbose and strongly-worded document which fiercely
castigates the ancien regime and promises the nation all
the benefits of equality and liberty. The war is barely mentioned:
The Provisional Government will loyally maintain all its alliances
and do everything in its power to provide the army with all its
needs with a view to carrying on the war to a victorious conclusion.
Nothing more!
I went straight to Miliukov this is exactly what I said:
"After my recent talks with you I was not surprised at
the language adopted by the manifesto published this morning on
the subject of the war; but it doesn't make me any less angry.
A determination to prosecute the war at any cost and until full
and final victory isn't even mentioned! The name of Germany does
not occur! There isn't the slightest allusion to Prussian militarism:
No reference whatever to our war aims! France too has had her
revolutions with the enemy at the gates; but Danton in 1792 and
Gambetta in 1870 used very different language ... And yet in
those days France had no ally who was in deadly peril on her behalf."
Miliukov looked very pale and abashed as he heard me out. Choosing
his words carefully, he argued that the manifesto was intended
specifically for the Russian nation and, anyhow, political eloquence
to-day employs a more temperate vocabulary than in 1792 and 1870.
I then read him the appeal which our socialists, Guesde, Sembat
and Albert Thomas, have just made - at my suggestion - to the
socialists of Russia, and I had no difficulty in bringing home
to him the warmth of tone, fierce resolution and determination
to conquer which inspires every line of this appeal.(1)
Miliukov, who seemed painfully moved to the very depths, did
his best in urging extenuating circumstances, the difficulties
of the internal situation, and so forth. He, wound up with:
"Give me time!"
"Time has never been more precious! Swift action has never
been so necessary! Please don't think it isn't very painful for
me to talk to you like this. But the moment is far too serious
for us to treat each other to diplomatic euphemisms. The question
with which we are faced - or perhaps I should say the question
that forces itself upon us is this: yes or no, will Russia go
on fighting at the side of her Allies until full and final victory,
without faltering and without ulterior motives? Your ability and
your patriotic and honourable past are my guarantee that you will
soon give me the answer I expect."
Miliukov promised to take an early opportunity to set our minds
entirely at rest.
This afternoon I went for a walk round the centre of the city
and Vassili-Ostrov. Order has been almost restored. There are
fewer drunken soldiers, yelling mobs and armoured cars laden with
evil-looking maniacs. But I found "meetings" in progress
everywhere, held in the open air, or perhaps I should say open
gale. The groups were small: twenty or thirty people at the outside,
and comprising soldiers, peasants, working-men and students. One
of the company mounts a stone, or a bench, or a heap of snow and
talks his head off, gesticulating wildly. The audience gazes fixedly
at the orator and listens in a kind of rapt absorption. As soon
as he stops another takes his place and immediately gets the same
fervent, silent and concentrated attention.
What an artless and affecting sight it is when one remembers
that the Russian nation has been waiting centuries for the right
of speech!
On my way home I dropped in on Princess R - - on the Serguievskaïa
for tea.
The beautiful Madame D - -, the "Houdon Diana "
or Tauride Diana," was there in a tailor-made and skunk toque,
smoking cigarettes with the lady of the house. Prince B - -,
General S - - and a number of familiars came in one after the
other. The stories told and impressions exchanged revealed the
darkest pessimism.
But there was one anxiety greater than all the others, a haunting
fear in every mind - the partition of the land.
"We shall not get out of it this time! What will
become of us without our rent-rolls?"
To the Russian nobility, the rent-roll is of course the main,
and often the only, source of income.
The company's forebodings comprised not only legal partition
of the land, i.e. formal expropriation, but confiscation
by the high hand, wholesale looting and jacquerie. I am
certain that the same sort of conversation can be heard in every
corner of Russia at the present time.
A fresh caller, a lieutenant in the Chevaliers-Gardes, entered
the room, wearing the red favour on his tunic. He soothed the
company's anxieties a little by telling them (supporting his argument
with figures) that the agrarian question is not as terrifying
as it seems at first sight.
"There's no need to have immediate recourse to our estates
to take the edge off the peasants' hunger," he said. "
With the crown lands, perhaps ninety-four million desiatins,
(2) the church and monastic lands,
let's say three million desiatins, there's enough to keep
the moujiks from gnawing-pains for quite a long time to
come."
His entire audience agreed with this argument; everyone consoled
himself or herself with the thought that obviously the Russian
nobility will not suffer too severely if the Emperor, Empress,
Grand Dukes, Grand Duchesses, the Church and the monasteries are
ruthlessly robbed and plundered. As Rochefoucauld said, "We
can always find strength to bear the misfortunes of others."
I may remark in passing that one person present possesses an
estate of 300,000 hectares in Volhynia!
When I returned to the embassy, I heard that there had been
a ministerial crisis in France and Briand's place is being taken
by Ribot.
Tuesday, March 21, 1917.
During the last few days a rumour has spread among the mob
that "Citizen Romanov" and his wife, "Alexandra
the German," are working secretly for a restoration of autocracy,
with the connivance of the "moderate" ministers, Lvov,
Miliukov, Gutchkov, etc. The Soviet accordingly demanded
the immediate arrest of the sovereigns yesterday evening. The
Provisional Government yielded to its desires. The same evening
four deputies of the Duma, Bublikov, Gribunin, Kalinin and Verschinin,
left for G.H.Q. at Mohilev, with instructions to bring the Emperor
back with them.
As regards the Empress, General Kornilov went to Tsarskoe Selo
this morning with an escort. On his arrival at the Alexander Palace
he was immediately received by the Tsarina who heard the decision
of the Provisional Government without remark; all she asked was
that she should be left all the servants who are looking after
her invalid children - a request which has been granted. The Alexander
Palace is now cut off from all communication with outside.
Miliukov is very much upset over the arrest of the Emperor
and Empress; he wants the King of England to offer them the hospitality
of British territory and even to guarantee their safety; he has
therefore begged. Buchanan to wire to London at once and insist
on having an answer without a moment's delay.
"It's the last chance of securing these poor unfortunates
freedom, and perhaps of saving their lives!" he told us.
Buchanan returned at once to the Embassy to convey Miliukov's
suggestion to his Government.
As I was walking along the Millionaïa this afternoon,
I saw the Grand Duke Nicholas Michailovich. In civilian
dress - the get-up of an old tchinoonik---he was prowling
round his palace. He has openly sided with the revolution and
is full of optimistic talk. I know him well enough to have no
doubt that he is sincere when he says that the collapse of autocracy
will now mean the salvation and greatness of Russia; but I do
not know whether he will keep his illusions for long and hope
he will not lose them as Philippe-Egalité lost his. In
any case he has honestly done his best to open the Emperor's eyes
to the approaching catastrophe, he actually had the courage some
time back to send him the following letter, which was shown to
me this morning:
You have often mentioned your determination to continue the
war to victory! But do you really think victory is possible in
the present state of affairs?
Do you know the situation within the Empire? Are you told
the truth? Has anyone pointed out where the root of the evil
lies?
You have frequently told me that men were always deceiving
you and that the only thing you believed in was the views of
your wife. I tell you that the words she utters are the result
of clever intrigues and not in accordance with the truth. If
you are impotent to rid her of those influences, the least you
can do is to be always on your guard against the schemers who
use her as their tool. Clear these dark forces out, and you will
immediately recover the confidence of your people which you have
already half lost.
I have hesitated long before telling you the truth, but I
have made up my mind to do so, with encouragement from your mother
and two sisters. You are about to witness fresh disturbances,
nay, an attempt on your life.
I speak as I do in the interests of your own safety and that
of your throne and country.
Thursday, March 22, 1917.
The Emperor reached Tsarskoe Selo this morning.
His arrest at Mohilev produced no incident; his farewell to
the officers about him (many of whom shed tears) was disconcertingly
banal in its simplicity. But the Order of the Day in which he
takes leave of the army has a certain ring of nobility about it:
I address you for the last time, you soldiers who are so dear
to my heart. Since I renounced the throne of Russia for myself
and my son, power has been transferred to the Provisional Government
which has been set up on the initiative of the Imperial Duma.
May God help that Government to lead Russia to glory and prosperity!
And may God also help you, my brave soldiers, to defend your
country against a cruel foe! For more than two years and a half
you have continuously borne the hardships of an arduous service;
much blood has been spilt, enormous efforts have been made and
already the hour is at hand in which Russia and her glorious
allies will break down the enemy's last desperate resistance
in one mighty common effort.
This unprecedented war must be carried through to final victory.
He who thinks of peace at the present moment is a traitor to
Russia.
I am firmly convinced that the boundless love you bear our
beautiful Fatherland is not dead in your hearts. May God bless
you and Saint George, the great martyr, lead you to victory!
NICHOLAS.
Returning from a visit to the Admiralty Canal I came through
Glinka Street where the Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovitch lives.
I saw something waving over his palace - a red flag!
Chapter Footnotes
1. Text of the telegram from Mm. Jules Guesde,
Sembat and Thomas to M. Kerensky, Minister of justice in the
Provisional Government.
Paris,
March 18, 1917.
We send the Socialist Minister of a Russia reborn our congratulations
and fraternal greetings.
We hail the acquisition of a free Government for their country
by the working classes and Russian socialism with the deepest
emotion.
Once again, like our ancestors of the great Revolution, you
have to put forth the same effort to secure the independence
of the nation and the defence of the country.
By a war waged to the last extremity, and by the heroic discipline
of citizen soldiers who would lay down their lives for liberty,
we must work together in destroying the last and most formidable
citadel of absolutism, Prussian militarism.
Everyone here looks with serene confidence for a fresh effort
on the part of a Russian nation all of whose energies shall be
bent upon the war. It is the victory we are about to win by our
fervour which, by bringing the world peace, will secure its welfare
and liberty for ever.
JULES GUESDE, MARCEL SEMBAT. ALBERT THOMAS.
2. A desiatin is approximately one
hectare.
