Return to the Alexander Time Machine Main Menu
Originally published in 1923 - translated from the French by F. A. Holt, O.B.E.
Main Menu - Table of Contents
Volume 1:
I. JULY 20-23, 1914 | II. JULY 24-AUGUST 2, 1914 | III.AUGUST 3-17, 1914 | IV. AUGUST 18-SEPTEMBER 11, 1914 | V. SEPTEMBER 12-OCTOBER 28, 1914 | VI. OCTOBER 29-NOVEMBER 30, 1914 | VII. DECEMBER 1-31, 1914 | VIII. JANUARY 1-FEBRUARY 13, 1915 | IX. FEBRUARY 14-MARCH 31, 1915 | X. APRIL 1-JUNE 2, 1915
Volume 2:
I. JUNE 3-AUGUST 24, 1915 | II. AUGUST 25-SEPTEMBER 20, 1915 | III.SEPTEMBER 21-NOVEMBER 8, 1915 | IV. NOVEMBER 9-DECEMBER 31, 1915 | V. JANUARY 1-26, 1916 | VI. JANUARY 27-FEBRUARY 24, 1916 | VII. FEBRUARY 25-MARCH 22, 1916 | VIII. MARCH 23-MAY 3, 1916 | IX. MAY 4-JUNE 15, 1916 | X. JUNE 16-JULY 18, 1916 | XI. JULY 19-AUGUST 18, 1916
Volume 3
I. AUGUST 19-SEPTEMBER 18, 1916 | II. SEPTEMBER 19-OCTOBER 25, 1916 | III. OCTOBER 27-NOVEMBER 22, 1916 | IV. NOVEMBER 23-DECEMBER 24, 1916 | V. DECEMBER 25, 1916-JANUARY 8, 1917 | VI. JANUARY 9-28, 1917 | VII. JANUARY 29-FEBRUARY 21, 1917 | VIII. FEBRUARY 22-MARCH 11, 1917 | IX. MARCH 12-22, 1917 | X. MARCH 23-APRIL 6, 1917 | XI. APRIL 7-21, 1917 | XII. APRIL 22-MAY 6, 1917 | XIII. MAY 7-17, 1917
CHAPTER III
SEPTEMBER 21-NOVEMBER 8, 1915.
Bulgaria mobilizes against
Serbia. - An Anglo-French contingent is sent to the Balkans. - Dissensions
in the Russian Government. Joint letter from the ministers to
the Emperor. - Nicholas II's categorical reply. - Feeling roused
among the Russian people by Bulgaria's "fratricidal"
action. - The French Government demands the military co-operation
of Russia against Bulgaria; telegrams passing between the President
of the Republic and the Emperor. - Progress made by reactionary
influences at Court. - Dismissal of the Minister of the Interior
and the Procurator of the Holy Synod. - My audience of the Emperor;
a promise of military co-operation against Bulgaria. - The Empress
exhorts the Emperor to absolutism. - Rasputin's prayers; his
sincerity in asserting his supernatural powers. - Devastating
Bulgarian offensive against the Serbians. - The Emperor's manifesto
on the subject of the Bulgarian felony. - The Russian fleet bombards
Varna. - Negotiations with the Rumanian Government with a view
to obtaining permission for a Russian army to pass through Moldavia
on its way to help the Serbs. The Rumanian Government refuses.
Tuesday, September 21, 1915.
Tsar Ferdinand has shown his hand. Bulgaria is mobilizing and
concentrating for attack on Serbia.
When Sazonov gave me this news, I exclaimed:
"Serbia mustn't wait to be attacked; she must attack at
once herself."
"No," Sazonov replied we must still try to prevent
hostilities."
I argued that hostilities cannot be prevented now that Bulgaria's
game has long been too obvious; the only effect of diplomatic
action would be to give the Bulgarian army time to mobilize and
concentrate, and that the Serbians are lost unless they take advantage
of the fact that the road to Sofia will still be open to them
for some days yet. I ended up by declaring that to support the
operations of the Serbians the Russian fleet must bombard Burgas
and Varna.
"No! " exclaimed Sazonov ... . "Bulgaria is
of our faith; we created her with our own blood; she owes her
national and political existence to us; we cannot treat her as
an enemy."
"But it is Bulgaria who has made herself your enemy .
. . and now, of all times."
"It doesn't matter! We must continue to negotiate. At
the same time we must appeal to the mass of the Bulgarian nation,
and denounce the crime their Government want them to commit. A
manifesto addressed to them by the Emperor Nicholas in the name
of Slav unity would no doubt have a great effect. We have no right
not to make one last effort."
"I adhere to what I said just now. It is essential for
the Serbs to make for Sofia by forced marches. If they don't.
the Bulgarians will be in Belgrade within a month."
Friday, September 24, 1915.
A telegram dispatched from Paris yesterday evening tells me
that the French and British Governments have decided to send an
army corps to the Balkans.
Sazonov was delighted when I reported this to him. Sending
allied troops to the rescue of Serbia seems to him to change the
whole aspect of the Balkan problem. He wants Sofia to know of
this intention very soon, so that the Bulgarian Government may
have time to stop its military preparations; he is also endeavouring
to prevent the Serbians from attacking the Bulgarian army before
the latter has obviously begun an offensive.
On this latter point I argued with him very hotly, and as I
have reason to believe that my view is shared in Paris I am telegraphing
to Delcassé:
I have some difficulty in following M. Sazonov's point
of view. A swift invasion of Bulgarian territory by the Serbian
army would create a huge sensation in Germany and Austria - and
in Turkey, Greece and Rumania. The salvation of Bulgaria no longer
concerns us. If we can obtain a swift and easy success at her
expense, it is our duty to do so. It is no longer a question
of the Balkan balance of power and historical memories. Victory
before anything else!
Saturday, September 25, 1915.
The Russian public is beside itself with indignation at the,
action of Bulgaria. Even those papers which have hitherto been
kindest towards the Bulgarians join in the chorus of resentment,
though they endeavour to draw a distinction between the personal
policy of the Tsar Ferdinand and the sentiments of his people.
Sunday, September 26, 1915.
The great offensive which the French General Staff has been
preparing for many months began yesterday in Champagne; it is
being supported by an English attack in Artois.
The opening move has been successful; we have pierced the German
lines on a front of twenty-five kilometres, to a depth of three
or four; we have also made 15,000 prisoners.
Monday, September 27, 1915.
The Union of Zemstvos and the Union of Towns, which have been
in session in Moscow the last few days, have passed the following
joint motion:
In the tragic trials through which Russia is passing, we deem
it our first duty to send a warm greeting to our stoical, glorious
and dearly-loved army. The Russian people are more determined
than ever to continue the war to victory, in loyal association
with their faithful allies. But on the path of victory there
lies a fatal obstacle, an obstacle created by all the old vices
of our political system, we mean irresponsible power, the absence
of any link between the Government and the country, etc. A drastic
change is required... . In place of our present governors we
must have men who enjoy the confidence of the nation. The work
of the Duma should be resumed without delay.
The two Unions have appointed three delegates each, and commissioned
them to put the wishes of the country before the Emperor in a
personal audience.
The President of the Council, Goremykin, has advised His Majesty
not to receive these delegates, who have no claim or right, so
he said, "to speak in the name of the Russian people."
The Emperor has therefore refused the audience.
Tuesday, September 28, 1915.
There is much dissension in the bosom of the Russian Government.
Several of the ministers, alarmed at the reactionary tendencies
prevailing at Court, have sent a joint letter to the Emperor,
begging him not to continue in this disastrous course, and explaining
that their conscience does not permit them to work under Goremykin
any longer. Besides Sazonov, the signatories to this letter are
Prince Stcherbatov, Minister of the Interior, Krivoshein, Minister
for Agriculture, Prince Shahovskoï, Minister for Commerce,
Bark, Finance Minister, and Samarin, Procurator of the Holy Synod.
Out of consideration for military discipline, General Polivanov,
the War Minister, and Admiral Grigorovitch, the Naval Minister,
abstained from signing.
On receiving this letter, the Emperor summoned all his ministers
to the Stavka. They have just left for Mohilev, where they
will arrive to-morrow. Developments are proceeding in the strictest
secrecy.
A week ago, Rodzianko, the President of the Duma, solicited
an audience of the Emperor. He has been informed this morning
that his request has not been granted.
Wednesday, September 29, 1915.
The day before yesterday the Russian Government proposed to
the Allied Governments that the following note should be sent
to Sofia:
The Allied Powers, having very grave reason to suspect the
motives for the general mobilization of the Bulgarian army, and
attaching, as they do, the greatest importance to the maintenance
of their friendly relations with Bulgaria, consider it their
duty, in the very name of that friendship, to ask the Royal Government
to revoke the mobilization decree, or declare its readiness to
co-operate with the said powers against Turkey. If the Royal
Government has not adopted one or other of these courses within
twenty-four hours, the Allied Powers will immediately break off
all relations with Bulgaria.
I had pointed out to Sazonov that the inoffensive form of this
lecture made it futile from the start, but he had insisted on
his proposal. To-day, Buchanan tells me that Sir Edward Grey would
like to water down the Russian note still more, and remove anything
having the smallest resemblance to an ultimatum. I am telegraphing
to Delcassé:
This policy of Sir Edward Grey's seems to me an illusion.
Are we going to make the same mistake with Bulgaria that we made
with Turkey, a mistake we have not finished paying for? Cannot
Sir Edward see that the Germans are getting a firmer grip on
Bulgaria every day, and that they will soon be the masters there?
Is he credulous enough to believe in the pacifist professions
of King Ferdinand? Does he propose to refrain from action at
Sofia until the Bulgarian army has completed its concentration,
and the German officers have taken over their commands? It has
pleased Germany to make war on us on Bulgarian territory. It
is now in our power to inflict an immediate reverse upon her
on that very territory. And here we are, still talking!
Thursday, September 30, 1915.
This evening I have heard that yesterday, at Mohilev, the Emperor
used very harsh language to the ministers who signed the letter.
In a peremptory tone he said to them:
"I won't have my ministers going on strike against my
President of the Council. I insist upon everyone respecting my
wishes."
Our Champagne offensive is continuing brilliantly, and without
a pause.
The effect on public opinion in Russia is excellent. The sense
of disappointment produced by our inactivity on the western front
was becoming dangerous, as it was spreading to the army. The Novoïe
Vremia accurately reproduces the general impression in the
following terms: "While the bulk of the German forces, and
almost the entire Austro-Hungarian army, were hurling themselves
upon us, our allies in the west did nothing. This inaction on
General Joffre's part during our fiery trial was incomprehensible.
The Anglo-French offensive has put an end to all our doubts. It
is clear now that the apparent idleness of our allies was really
a period of preparation."
Friday, October 1, 1915.
The President of the Republic has commissioned me to give the
Emperor the following telegram:
The grave situation created by the definitely hostile attitude
of King Ferdinand and the Bulgarian mobilization is causing the
French Government the greatest anxiety. We have very solid reasons
for fearing that the Bulgarians will attempt to cut the Salonica-Nish
railway, and shortly make it impossible for us to communicate
not only with Serbia but with Russia herself, and to send our
allies the munitions we are making for them. At the present time
our daily output of shell for Russia is three to four thousand.
This figure will increase progressively, and in January reach
the ten thousand asked for by Your Majesty's Government.
To Russia and France unhampered communication is of vital
importance. We are making arrangements with England to send troops
to Serbia as soon as possible. But the presence of Russian troops
would certainly have a very great effect on the Bulgarian people.
if Your Majesty has not a division available at the moment, or
does not think it possible to send one to Serbia, it would at
any rate seem essential that units of Russian soldiers should
be detailed to join ours in guarding the Salonica railway. The
feelings of gratitude towards Your Majesty entertained by the
Bulgarian nation would then perhaps bring them up short in their
road to a fratricidal encounter, and in any case the unity of
the allied countries would be clearly revealed to all the Balkan
peoples. I beg Your Majesty to pardon my persistence, and accept
my assurances of loyal friendship.
POINCARÉ.
Sunday, October 3, 1915.
The "fratricidal" act of Bulgaria towards Serbia
has aroused the greatest resentment in every class of Russian
society. It is as if a wave of indignation were sweeping over
the whole of Russia.
Tuesday, October 5, 1915.
Bad news reaches us from Athens. King Constantine has compelled
Venizelos to resign. A few days ago the President of the Council
declared in the Greek Chamber that if the realization of the national
programme brought Greece into contact with the Teuton empires
the Government would do its duty. These strong words have been
considered inadmissible by Berlin. Count Mirbach, German minister
in Athens, called on the King, lectured him in the name of his
imperial brother-in-law, and no doubt also reminded him of their
secret compact. Constantine immediately demanded and obtained
the resignation of Venizelos.
A first detachment of Anglo-French troops has just disembarked
at Salonica.
Wednesday, October 6, 1915.
The only reply given to the President of the Republic by the
Emperor (who is on a tour of inspection at the front) is the following
telegram:
As I entirely agree with you as to the extreme importance
of the Salonica railway to the maintenance of communications
between France and her allies, I regard it as essential that
the line should be held by Anglo-French troops, and I am glad
to hear that their disembarkation is in progress. I should have
been particularly glad to see a detachment of my army joining
up with them, and establishing on this new front an even closer
collaboration with our allies. To my great regret, it is impossible
at the moment for me to divert any troops for that purpose, and
more particularly to get them to their destination by the routes
at our disposal.
I intend to reconsider this plan, the soundness of which I
recognize, the moment circumstances permit. I take this opportunity
of expressing to you, Monsieur le Président, the satisfaction
with which I have received the report you give me of the output
of shell for my army. The help which French industry is giving
Russia in this vital matter is highly appreciated by my country.
Accept, Monsieur le Président, the assurance of my lasting
friendship.
NICHOLAS.
When Sazonov told me of this telegram, which was dispatched
to Paris yesterday, I said to him:
"We cannot accept the Emperor's decision. Please ask him
to grant me an audience. I shall try and convince him that Russia
cannot leave her allies with the whole burden of the new war which
is opening in the Balkans."
"But the Emperor's at the front, and in a different place
every day!"
"I'll go in and see him wherever he likes. I insist on
your communicating to him my request for an audience."
"All right! I'll telegraph to him."
Saturday, October 9, 1915.
The reactionary influences around the Emperor are getting stronger
every day.
Prince Stcherbatov, the Minister of the Interior, and Samarin,
the Procurator of the Holy Synod, who had been in office barely
three months, and whose liberal tendencies made them acceptable
to public opinion, have been dismissed without a word of explanation.
The new Minister of the Interior, Alexis Nicolaïevitch Khvostov,
formerly Governor of Nijny Novgorod, and one of the leaders of
the Right in the Duma, is known as a man of energy. Samarin's
successor has not yet been appointed.
Sunday, October 10, 1915.
The Emperor received me at Tsarskoe Selo, this afternoon.
He looked well, with a calm, confident air, which I have not
seen him assume for a long time. We went straight to the object
of my visit. I enumerated the multifarious considerations which
compel Russia to take her share in the military operations which
France and England are about to undertake in the Balkans, and
concluded with these words:
"Sire, France asks you for the assistance of your army
and fleet against Bulgaria. If the Danube route is impracticable
for the transport of troops, there remains the Archangel route.
In less than a month a brigade of infantry can be moved by that
route from the centre of Russia to Salonica. I beg Your Majesty
to order that brigade to be sent. As far as naval operations are
concerned, I know that the east winds which prevail in the Black
Sea at this season make a landing at Burgas and Varna practically
impossible. But it would be easy for two or three battleships
to bombard the forts at Varna and the batteries on Cape Emine
which command Burgas Bay. I ask Your Majesty to order this bombardment."
The Emperor listened to me without interrupting, and remained
silent for some considerable time. Two or three times he stroked
his beard and looked at the point of his shoes. At length he raised
his head, fixed his blue eyes upon me, and said:
"From the moral and political view I cannot hesitate over
the reply you expect of me. I agree to what you ask. But you will
realize that from the practical standpoint I shall have to consult
my staffs."
"Does Your Majesty authorize me to inform the Government
of the Republic that within a very short time a Russian contingent
will be sent via Archangel to the help of Serbia?"
"Yes."
"May I also say that in the very near future the Russian
Black Sea Squadron will receive an order to bombard the forts
of Varna and Burgas?"
"Yes.... But to justify this last operation in the eyes
of the Russian nation I shall wait until the Bulgarian army has
committed some hostile act against the Serbs."
"I am very grateful to Your Majesty for all this."
Our conversation then took a more personal turn. I asked the
Emperor about the impressions he had brought away from the front.
"My impressions are splendid," he said. "I am
more confident and enthusiastic than ever. The life I lead at
the head of my army is so healthy and comforting! What a splendid
soldier the Russian is! I don't know what he couldn't do! And
his determination to conquer and confidence of victory are so
amazing!"
"I am glad to hear you say so, as the task before us is
still colossal, and we shall win through only by dint of sheer
tenacity."
Clenching his fists, and raising them above his head, the Emperor
replied:
"I'm up to my neck in tenacity. I shall never get out
of it until our complete victory."
He then asked me about our offensive in Champagne and praised
the splendid qualities of the French troops. Next he talked about
myself and my life in Petrograd:
"I pity you having to live amidst so much faint-heartedness
and pessimism!" he said. "I know how bravely you struggle
against the poisoned air of Petrograd. But if you ever feel yourself
intoxicated by it, come and see me at the front; I promise you'll
soon be cured."
He turned grave all of a sudden, and said in a bitter tone:
"We feel these Petrograd miasmas even here, twenty-two
versts away! And it isn't from the poor quarters, but the drawing-rooms,
that the worst smells come! What a shame! What a disgrace! How
can men be so devoid of conscience, patriotism and faith!"
With these words he rose and resumed his kindly tone
"Good-bye, my dear Ambassador. I'm afraid I must leave
you, as I'm returning to the Stavka this evening and have
lots to do... . Let's hope we shall have only good news to talk
about next time we meet!"
Monday, October 11, 1915.
I have been dining very quietly with Madame P - -.
"How did you find the Emperor yesterday? " she asked
me
"In very good spirits."(1)
"So he does not suspect all that is in store for him?"
And with characteristically feminine excitement, she told me
of several talks she has had with various people in the last few
days, the burden of which is this: "It cannot go on like
this. In the course of her history, Russia has often had to put
up with the reign of favourites, but she has never known anything
like the infamy of the reign of Rasputin. We must unquestionably
have recourse to the great remedies of other days, the only possible
and effective remedies under an autocratic regime. We must depose
the Emperor and put the Tsarevitch Alexis in his place, with the
Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolaïevitch as regent... . Time presses,
for Russia is on the very brink of the abyss ...."
The same language was used in the St. Petersburg drawing-rooms
in March, 1801. The sole aim of the conspirators of those days,
Pahlen and Bennigsen, was to secure the abdication of Paul I in
favour of his son.
Tuesday, October 12, 1915.
Judging by certain remarks made by Madame Vyrubova yesterday
evening to a pious household where communion with Rasputin is
held, the high spirits, confidence and enthusiasm of the Emperor
which I have noticed are claimed to be largely due to the extravagant
praise the Empress is heaping upon him since he began to behave
"as a true autocrat." She keeps telling him: "You're
worthy of your greatest ancestors now; I'm certain they are proud
of you, and blessing you from heaven above. Now that you have
taken the course ordained by Divine Providence, I have no more
doubts about our victory, not only over our external enemies,
but those at home as well; you are saving your country as well
as your throne. ... How wise we were to heed what our dear Grigory
said! What a lot we owe to his intercession with God for us!"
I have often heard the question discussed whether Rasputin
is sincere in alleging his supernatural powers, or at bottom nothing
but a charlatan and impostor. Opinions were almost always divided,
for the staretz is a bundle of contradictions, incoherences
and freaks. Speaking personally, I do not doubt his utter sincerity.
He would not have such a fascination for people if he was not
convinced himself of his extraordinary gifts. His confidence in
his mystical power is the main element in his personal ascendancy.
He is the first to be duped by his tongue and his practices: if
he adds a certain flavour of braggadocio that is all. Paracelsus,
the great master of magic, and clever author of the Philosophia
Sagax, observed very rightly that the condition precedent
to the persuasiveness of the magician is his belief in his own
dynamic powers: " Non potest facere quod non credit posse
facere " - " A man cannot do what he does
not think he can do." In any case, how could Rasputin fail
to believe that some extraordinary power emanates from him? Every
day the credulity of those about him furnishes him with proof
of the fact. When he claims to be inspired of God in order to
make the Empress do what he wants. the unhesitating obedience
he receives from her seems to him patent proof of the truth of
his claim. They thus hypnotize each other.
Has Rasputin the same power over the Emperor as over the Empress?
No; there is a material difference.
As regards the relations between Alexandra Feodorovna and the
staretz, she lives in a kind of hypnosis. Whatever
opinion or desire he expresses, she acquiesces and obeys at once.
The ideas he suggests to her are implanted in her brain without
provoking the slightest opposition. In the case of the Tsar, the
fascination is much less passive and complete. He certainly thinks
that Grigory is a Bojy tchelloviek, a "Man of God,"
but to a large extent he retains his liberty of judgment in dealing
with him, and he never allows him the initiative. This comparative
independence of mind is particularly marked when the staretz
intervenes in a political matter. It is then that Nicholas
II wraps himself in a mantle of silence and reserve; he evades
awkward questions, defers definite answers, and in any case yields
only after a long internal struggle, in which his natural good
sense very frequently wins the day. But on the ethical and religious
side, the Emperor is profoundly influenced by Rasputin. He draws
much quiet strength from him, as witness what he once said to
Colonel Drenteln, one of his aides-de-camp, who was out walking
with him:
"I can't understand why Prince Orlov hated Rasputin so
much; he never tired of calling him names, and saying that his
friendship is disastrous to me. It's quite otherwise. Why, when
I'm worried, or doubtful, or vexed, I have only to talk to Grigory
for five minutes to feel myself immediately soothed and strengthened.
He always manages to say what I need to hear, and the effect of
his wise words lasts several weeks."
Wednesday, October 13, 1915.
Delcassé resigned yesterday. His views have not squared
with those of his colleagues in the Ministry for some time, and
he has also been suffering from nervous trouble.
Friday, October 15, 1915.
The Bulgarians are beginning to reap the consequences of the
colossal mistake we have made in giving them time to carry out
their concentration. They have taken the offensive with great
skill and vigour in the region of Egri-Palanka and the Pirot sector,
and along the course of the Timok. They have driven the Serbians
back at all points, while an Austro-German army has captured Belgrade
and Semendria.
Saturday, October 16, 1915.
After Shakespeare and Balzac, Dostoïevski is the greatest
raiser of spirits, and the mightiest creator of imaginary beings,
the writer who intuitively divined the secrets of moral pathology
and the inward man, the mechanism of passions, the unfathomable
rôle of elementary forces and instincts; in a word, all
that is fateful, occult and unknowable in human nature. In all
this, how far he is above Tolstoi, with whom the artist, logician,
apostle and prophet so often wronged the psychologist! And yet
the author of Crime and Punishment denied that he was a
psychologist, feeling that his genius was essentially a matter
of clairvoyance, divination and an almost diseased acuteness of
vision. He has said of himself: "I am called a psychologist.
It is wrong. I am simply a realist in the higher sense of the
word; that is, I depict all the dim recesses of the human soul."
In his works we find a kind of catalogue of all the characters,
peculiarities and aberrations which make the Russian soul the
most amazing and paradoxical flower of the human plant.
From his Diary of a Writer, I took these suggestive
lines to-day:
"The Russian always feels impelled to overstep the bounds,
to go to the very edge of the precipice and lean over to scan
its depths; often enough to hurl himself over it like a madman.
It is that hungering after negation which besets the man of greatest
faith - the negation of everything, the most sacred feelings,
the noblest ideals, the holiest impulses, the fatherland itself.
At critical moments of his life, or his national life, the Russian
is alarmingly precipitate in enrolling himself on the side of
good or evil. Under the influence of rage, drink, love, erotic
mania, pride or envy, he suddenly shows himself ready to destroy
or repudiate everything - family, traditions and faith. The best
of men is thus changed into a criminal, his only idea being to
disown himself and seek destruction in some swift cataclysm. Of
course he is just as impetuous in saving his soul when he has
reached the uttermost limits, and does not know where to turn.
... " In another place, Dostoïevski writes: "Nihilism
has appeared among us because we are all nihilists."
Sunday, October 17, 1915.
Along the whole Danube-Save-Dvina front the Serbians are withdrawing
under the formidable pressure of two Austro-German armies commanded
by Field-Marshal von Mackensen.
The Serbian Government and the Diplomatic: Corps are making
preparations to leave Nish for Monastir.
Tuesday, October 19, 1915.
Yesterday the Emperor issued a manifesto on the Bulgarian felony:
We, Nicholas II, by the grace of God Emperor and Autocrat
of all the Russias, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc.,
etc., etc. We make known to all our faithful subjects that the
Bulgarian people has accomplished the act of treachery to the
Slav cause, an act perfidiously contemplated since the very beginning
of the war, though it seemed to us impossible.
The Bulgarian troops have attacked our faithful ally, Serbia,
bleeding from her struggle with an enemy superior in numbers.
Russia and the Great Powers, our allies, have striven to dissuade
Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg's Government from this fatal step. .
. . But the secret machinations inspired by Germany have triumphed.
Bulgaria, a land of our faith, liberated from Turkish thraldom
by the brotherly love and blood of the Russian people, has openly
joined the ranks of the enemies of the Christian faith, Slavism
and Russia.
The Russian nation looks with grief on the treachery of Bulgaria,
a country so dear to her, even to the last, and it is with a
bleeding heart that it draws its sword against her, leaving the
fate of these traitors to the Slav cause to the just chastisement
of God.
Given at General Headquarters, the 18th October, in the year
of grace 1915.
NICHOLAS.
Monday, October 25, 1915.
The Serbian disaster is developing apace.
A swift Bulgarian raid on Vrania, on the upper Morava, and
Uskub, on the Vardar, has cut the Nish-Salonica railway. Henceforth
the Royal Government and the diplomatic corps cannot flee to Monastir.
They intend to try and reach Scutari and the shores of the Adriatic
via Mitrovitza, Pritzrend and Diakovo, i.e., crossing the mountain
tangle of Albania, where all the passes are already blocked by
snow!
Every day Pastchich is sending a desperate--and vain - appeal
to the Allies.
Thursday, October 28, 1915.
Yesterday, the Russian Black Sea fleet appeared off Varna,
which was bombarded for two hours. Hostilities have thus been
opened between Russia the liberator and Bulgaria the felon.
Sunday, October 31, 1915.
Delcassé's resignation has involved certain changes
in the composition of the French Cabinet. Viviani hands over the
Presidency of the Council to Briand, who also takes the portfolio
for Foreign Affairs.
Monday, November 1, 1915.
On the initiative of the French Government, the three Allied
Powers are negotiating with the Rumanian Government with a view
to obtaining permission to send an army of 200,000 Russians by
way of Moldavia and the Danube to the relief of the Serbians.
Wednesday, November 3, 1915.
Replying to my urgent entreaties, the Emperor commissioned
Sazonov to assure me "that he attaches as much importance
as the French Government to sending an army of five corps against
the Bulgarians at the earliest possible moment."
The concentration of these corps has already begun: it will
be pressed on with all possible speed.
The reports I am getting from General de Laguiche confirm the
fact that troops are arriving systematically in the region of
Kishinev and Odessa. But the transport difficulty gives us no
hope that the concentration can be complete before the beginning
of November.
Thursday, November 4, 1915.
Bratiano has categorically told the English minister at Bucharest
that he will not allow a Russian army to cross Rumanian territory
to help the Serbians. He again enumerated the general military
terms which Rumania makes a condition precedent to joining our
alliance eventually. Here they are:
(1) An Anglo-French army of 500,000 men to be concentrated
in the Balkans.
(2) A Russian army of 200,000 men to be concentrated in Bessarabia.
(3) The Anglo-French Balkan army and the Russian Bessarabian
army must attack the Bulgarians with the greatest vigour.
(4) The Russian armies will open a strong offensive against
the Austro-Germans from the Baltic Sea to the Bukovina.
(5) The Rumanian army will receive from France and England - via
Archangel - all the arms and munitions it needs.
Until all five conditions have become realities, the Rumanian
Government will retain a free hand.
Monday, November 8, 1915.
This morning Sazonov read me a letter he has received from
General Alexïev, the substance of which is as follows:
"Judging by all the reports that have reached the imperial
headquarters, the Russian army must not count on the help of the
Rumanians for the time being.
"It is impossible to send a Russian army by the Danube.
"A landing at Varna or Burgas would be practicable only
if the Russian fleet had Constanza as its base. The total tonnage
of available shipping in Odessa and Sebastopol would only allow
the transport of 20,000 men at once. Thus the troops who arrived
first would be exposed to grave danger until the whole expeditionary
force had disembarked.
"It is thus materially impossible for Russia to assist
the Serbian nation directly; but she can give them potent indirect
help by resuming the offensive in Galicia."
Chapter Footnote
1. In English in the original. - F.A.H.
